DAROVEC, Darko. A Brief History of Istra, (Archivio del Litorale Adriatico, I). Yanchep: ALA Publications: [University of Western Australia, Department of Classics and Ancient History], 1998.

Darko Darovec

Human migrations are an integral part of human history. They can be both a cause and a consequence, but also a catalyst for social change in an area. Until recently, migrations during the Roman conquests were poorly represented in the scientific discussion in relation to reports and comments on wars and other political events and figures. The same applies to conflicts on the eastern Adriatic coast. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to explore the traces and nature of migrations that occurred as a result of the Illyrian wars and the gradual imposition of Rome as the ruler of this area from the 3rd century BC until the middle of the 1st century BC.

The field of Byzantine Studies has recently gained impetus in Croatia from the establishment of the Croatian Society for Byzantine Studies, which aspires to become a cross-disciplinary research hub for experts in manifold disciplines related to Byzantine Studies not only in Croatia but in the region as well. Following the auspicious first steps of bringing Byzantine Studies into the focus of Croatian academia and the research community, the Croatian Society for Byzantine Studies now aims to attract internationally acclaimed researchers of diverse disciplinary backgrounds to a forum that will offer an opportunity to discuss a plethora of research topics and questions bearing on the presence of Byzantium in the Adriatic, and specifically to analyze the profile, genesis and transformation of the region in response to the Byzantine world system. The aim is to present and examine old as well as fresh ideas in an innovative way to provide a more complete and in-depth picture of the political, socio-economic, religious, legal, cultural aspects of Byzantine influence, both direct and indirect, detectable in the Adriatic, and particularly the eastern Adriatic coastal area, with a chronological span from the Age of Justinian I to the final disappearance of all vestiges of Byzantine authority and political sway in the region in the twelfth century. Organisation Committee: Ivan Basić (Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Split); Hrvoje Gračanin (Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb); Marko Petrak (Faculty of Law, University of Zagreb); Trpimir Vedriš (Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb).

In the years following the death of Commodus, a long period of transformation began that undermined the structure of the Roman Empire. These changes initially affected only aspects of succession to the Princedom, especially involving the military sphere, but they also modified the social and structural organization of the Roman State. After this period of military anarchy, interrupted by a brief phase of prosperity with the accession to the imperial throne of Septimius Severus and his successors, there followed a period of economic stability that determined a new political and institutional empire. The time of Diocletian’s reforms, however, culminated in a serious crisis after the death of Constantine the Great (337 AD). The lands bordering the Adriatic were disputed by the heirs of the Emperor, starting a period of economic and cultural changes that manifested themselves initially as a diffuse form of recession in the dynamics of occupation of the territory. Urban and rural settlements show signs of abandonment and crisis. In the following decades, waves of peoples from northern and eastern Europe disrupted the political unity of the Empire even more. The Empire was only partially rebalanced after the Gothic War, due to the devastation of many urban centers and a drop in the number of sites in the area caused by continuing military clashes. As was demonstrated at the last conference in Ravenna (Economia e Territorio, 28 February-1 March 2014), now being published, in recent years field research has revealed new evidence that allows us to draw a more complete picture of this important historical period which has been the focus of debate in recent decades. The research area discussed in Ravenna was mainly restricted to the central Adriatic, although there was communication with some eastern Adriatic areas. This time the focus will extend to the basin defined as Adriatic Europe, according to geographical and cultural rather than political patterns, thus considering all territories facing the Adriatic Sea. These areas are affected by similar phenomena of transformations (barbarian conquest (crossings of the territory), the formation of barbaric countries, Justinian's Reconquest), at least until the Lombard invasion of Italy and Istria in the second half of the 6th century. After this point, they follow different trajectories that are still poorly understood. Such close relations between the two sides have always suggested direct cultural influences. The handicraft productions and forms of settlement in many ways tend to follow 2 common lines, but the progress of field investigations have not been sufficiently compared, especially with regard to the Early Middle Ages. This new meeting will analyze these transformative phenomena in the areas research has neglected, including the time span between the 2nd and 8th centuries, especially on the Eastern Adriatic coast, from the short period before the establishment of the Severan dynasty up to the end of the Carolingian period. We thank all participants for the interest shown for Trade conference and the numerous and very compelling themes proposed. Also, we wish everyone a fruitful conference and a pleasant stay in Zadar, the Organizing commitee

Darko Darovec A Brief History of Istra T ran slated by Ila rio E rm acora A r c h iv io d el Litorale A d riá tico I Darko Darovec A Brief History of Istra © Darko Darovec 1998 Archivio del Litorale Adriático I, 1998 ISBN 0 9585774 0 4 ALA Publications 28 Compass Circle Yanchep 6035 Western Australia This work is published with the assistance of the Slovenian Ministry of Culture CONTENTS PREFACE vii PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION ix A REVIEW OF HISTORICAL STUDIES OF ISTRA 1 PREHISTORY Geographical Note The Origins of the Name Istra The First Inhabitants of Istra 5 5 6 ANCIENT TIMES The Roman Conquest of Istra Istra under Roman rule Administrative Arrangements The Economy, Commerce and Industrial production The Diffusion of Christianity in Istra Ecclesiastical Organisation 13 14 15 16 18 21 THE MIDDLE AGES The Migration of Populations and the Fall of the Western Empire Byzantine Rule The Istran Schism The Lombard Conquest Administrative Arrangements under the Germanic Princes Social Relationships in the State of Charlemagne Regional Political Events Contracts between Istran Cities and Venice in the Xth Century The Economic Growth of the Cities and the Venetian Sphere of Influence The Municipal Institutions of the Cities Istra under the Patriarchs of Aquileia Koper’s Expansion in the Xlllth Century The Venetian Conquest of the Cities of Northern Istra The Istran War 23 24 26 28 28 29 30 31 32 33 37 37 38 39 iii A B rief History o f Istra Venetian Rule The Duties of the Cities towards La Serenissima The Administration of the Cities The End of the Power of the Patriarchs over Istra and their Administrative Heritage The County of Pazin and the Fief on the Kvamer The Autonomous Commune of Trieste THE MODERN ERA The Last Territorial Modifications under Venice War and Peace The Economic Situation in Venetian Istra Commerce and the Spheres of Influence of the Great Powers The Ethnographic Aspect of Istra in the XVIIth Century Fragments of Istran Ethnology The Historical Background to the Ethnographic Perspective The Linguistic Aspect of Istra in the XVIIIth Centuiy Administrative-Ecclesiastical Reforms at the Fall of the Republic of Venice THE ERA OF BOURGEOIS REVOLUTIONS Istra at the Time of the Napoleonic Conquests The First Austrian period in Istra (1797-1805) Istra as a part of the Kingdom of Italy The Province of Istria in the Illyrian Provinces (1809-1813) Internal Conditions at the Time of the French Reforms Istra under Austrian Rule (1813-1918) Administrative Organisation from the Revolution of 1848 to the Second World War THE PERIOD OF THE RISE OF THE BOURGEOISIE AND OF NATIONALISTIC TENDENCIES Economic Leaders in the XlXth Century International Relations in the First Half of the XlXth Century The Rise of Nationalism in Trieste and Istra The Development of Irredentism The Slav Popular Movement The Political Establishment of the Slovenians and Croatians in Istra The Formation of the Ethnic Slovenian and Croatian Borders iv 39 40 41 44 45 47 51 52 52 54 56 57 60 65 67 69 69 69 71 71 72 73 77 78 79 81 83 86 88 The First World War Contents 91 t h e per io d o f t o t a l it a r ia n rég im es Istra Under Italy The Neglected Province Istra in the Second World War Demarcation problems of the Border with Croatia The Diplomatic Fight for Istra after World War II The Free Territory of Trieste The Great Slovenian Sacrifice for Yugoslavia The Reasons for the Exodus Conclusion 93 95 96 97 99 100 101 102 104 BIBLIOGRAPHY 105 NOTE ON THE SPELLING OF PLACE NAMES Just as the name of the area which is described in this book has changed during the many centuries of its recorded history (Histria, Istria, Istra), the names of the localities within it have also taken different forms at different times. Some attempt has been made to give the alternative forms at least once, particularly when they differ greatly. Usually the most modem form has been preferred. v Preface The birth o f this book is the result o f a set o f circumstances and fa cts which have made a publication o f this kind indispensable. In the first place, a process o f liberalisation has taken place in the last decade, which in the Istran peninsula as w ell as elsewhere has caused substantial reassessments o f the past and the present. The feeling o f belonging to a region is now an element o f a potential world order, o f the future, which would be based not on simple questions o f nationality but on basic human rights and economic efficiency. The ideological repression which existed within the form er Yugoslavia always presented an obvious and serious obstacle to reaching such goals, and the two Slav States o f Istra fo u g h t against this regardless o f sacrifices, to win their political independence. However, the consequence was a deep wound amongst the people, caused by something the inhabitants o f Istra had not given much thought to: the necessity o f having another border. The creation and alteration o f borders is a common theme o f history, but only in the worst o f cases does it affect individual people more than once in their lifetime. Therefore such changes are fo r the individual person justifiably painful, scarring and at times tragic. The em otional conflict thus generated is present along the whole o f the Slovenian-Croatian border, but Istra is where it is most acutely fe lt because o f the many centuries o f allegiance o f its people to the region. To overcome their disorientation some people have turned to historical science fo r help. Historical knowledge based on wide theoretical foundations should give answers with which to legitimise the commitment o f both the supporters and the opponents o f the border and the debates about it. Even though it was conscious o f the transient nature o f single systems, concepts and fram eworks o f knowledge, the Historical Society o f the Littoral (Zgodovinsko drustvo za juzno Primorsko) answered the challenge by organising in December 1991 a seminar on the topic ‘Istra: United and/or D ivided?’, with Italian, Croatian and Slovenian participants. The aim o f the historians o f the three neighbouring countries was not mutual accusations or the defence o f their own sides, but rather to review events and historical changes in the Istran peninsula. This approach was the basis o f [vii] Preface my contribution to the supplement o f the newspaper Primorske novice in the first h a lf o f 1992. This was a revised and enlarged version o f my presentation at the seminar (the proceedings o f the seminar were later published by the Historical Society o f the Littoral, and issued ju st at the time o f publication o f the papers presented at historical seminars on Istra, organised annually by the Historical Society with the participation o f Italian and Croatian colleagues). Since the supplement mentioned above, entitled Compendium of the History of Istra, was very well received by readers, the daily paper Primorske novice and the Historical Society o f the Littoral decided to publish the text in book form . This text, enlarged and with some new illustrations and a bibliography o f works consulted, is now before you. Besides the two institutions mentioned above, I must thank fo r the birth o f this work my m entor D r Darja Mihelic, always ready to help me with useful advice. Special thanks are due to Vida,who with infinite dedication and good sense has supported me in my work. Finally I must not fo rg et Adriatic Insurance, who in the last fe w years have become the peerless sponsors o f cultural and broad social initiatives. My earnest hope is that this modest publication o f a popular nature will become part o f a long series o f publications continuing the long task o f affirmation o f Istran historical writings, and that it may fo rm the basis fo r further specialised studies based on in-depth research. [viii] PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION At the time o f the Slovenian edition o f this book, the publisher thought o f having it translated into Italian and into Croatian. I was not then attracted to the idea. In the first place I believed that other historical writings in the two languages had already satisfied, with works o f greater weight, the demands o f readers who were interested in Istran historical topics. But the many positive responses and the acknowledgment o f objectivity in the approach adopted - not so always found in scholars who had dealt with this subject in the past - persuadeded me that I should accept with pleasure the challenge o f translating the book first into Italian and then into Croatian. Both o f these translations have given me great enjoyment, but I am particularly honoured that this present English edition has been accepted into the series Archive o f the Littoral o f the Adriatic (Archivio del Littorale Adriático, or ALA). This third edition, which has undergone some revisions, will make it possible fo r the global public to become more easily acquainted with the interesting history, tradition and culture o f the multi-layered Istran peninsula. I am conscious o f the fa c t that a work o f this nature cannot satisfy all demands, and may meet with unfavourable comments, since one has to omit some important topics or reduce them to pure and simple facts, thus leaving oneself open to criticism. Since the choice o f subjects and the use o f data in such works are left to the discretion o f the author, I must take responsibility fo r this. On such an occasion I must be mindful o f all those people who have given me various suggestions and advice on how to improve this brief history o f Istra. I have almost always heeded them, but I was unable to satisfy some suggestions that this or that topic or period should be given more space. H ad I done so, the book would have lost its principal aim o f making the history o f the region available in the shortest and clearest way to readers with differing priorities. I wish to thank Dr. Petar Strčič, Dario Marušič, Stojan Jejčič, Leander Cunja, Dr. Andrej Vovk, Prof. Furio Bianco, Lauro Decarli, Radovan Cunja, M atej Zupančič, Dr. Vaško Simoniti, Dr. Janez Peršič, and others who have expressed their judgem ent on this work, ey publishing their critiques or imaking public presentations o f the Slovenian edition. Special mention must be made o f the translator, Ilario Ermacora, who by his careful approach to such a condensed text has been able to preserve its informative value, and Goran Filipi, who translated the additional and revised passages which appear in this latest edition. Lastly, I wish to thank most sincerely Prof. John R. Melville-Jones o f the Department o f Classics and Ancient History o f the University o f Western Australia, who carefully edited the English text and produced the final version fo r printing. Koper, 1 July 1998 Darko Darovec [ix] A REVIEW OF HISTORICAL STUDIES OF ISTRA It would be wrong to claim that we know little of the history of Istra because little of it has been written. In fact, as early as the 15th and 16th centuries one can find several detailed descriptions of the characteristics of Istra and its history. Each of these works is in itself a valuable contribution to knowledge, but here we will mention only the work of the bishop o f Novigrad G. F. Tommasini (1650). Other diligent historians, headed by the encyclopaedic G. R. Carli from Koper, had begun the collection of these local histories by the end of the 18th century. This was even more the case during the 19th century, when they also began to publish the first volumes o f the review, still in existence today, L ’Archeografo Triestino. This was promoted by the patriot from Trieste D. Rossetti, while his pupil and friend P. Kandler (1804-1872) was an even m ore assiduous collector of the historical patrimony of Istra, the true founder of Istran historical studies. Besides the numerous essays which he published in the Osservatore Triestino, in the periodical L T stria (1846-1852), in the above-mentioned L ’Archeografo, in La Provincia and elsewhere, the work of the latter was brought together in the Codice diplomático istriano, a collection o f fundamental documents for the history of Istra from AD 50 to the middle of the 16th century. An extraordinarily important role in the study of Istran history has also been played by another periodical which survives to this day, Atti e Memorie della Societá Istriana di Archeologia e Storia Patria (Porec/Parenzo 1883-), and has published, side by side with many documents from the State Archive of Venice, studies which are fundamental to a knowledge o f Istran history and traditions. The major credit for the publication o f this periodical goes without any doubt to T. Luciani, whose prolific work forms the basis o f all Italian historical studies of Istra. C. Combi, from Koper/Capodistria, has also gained a distinguished place in this regard, above all thanks to the publication of Bibliografía Istriana (1864), the periodical La Porta Oriéntale and other historical studies, in spite of the fact that these were permeated by a strong spirit o f irredentism. Such influences played a much lesser role in the first monograph LTstria—Note Storiche (Parenzo, 1879) written by C. De Franceschi, a scholar and political figure who came from Gologorica/Moncalvo [1] A B rief History o f Istra near Pazin/Pisino. The historical objectivity of Kandler was continued by G. De Vergottini and B. Benussi, the latter standing out especially in this respect since, besides the works already mentioned, his L ’lstria nei suoi due millenni di storia (1924) forms the model in content and format for the present work. Since the Second World W ar further significant contributions to developments in this field have been made by Croatian historians, who after the rather uncritical monographs reviewing Istran history which had been written by D. Gruber and V. Spinčič (1924) and by L. Kirac (1946), have dedicated themselves mostly to in-depth studies of specific historical periods. A fundamental impetus towards this trend came with the foundation of the former Adriatic Institute (Jadranski Institut) in 1948, which is now the Institute of Historical and Social Sciences of the Croatian Academy of Sciences, Letters and Arts, located in Rijeka. In addition, a lively research activity has developed in the Archaeological Museum of Pula, in the Historical Archives of Pazin and o f Rijeka, and in more recent times in the Čakavski sabor, with some ten posts created in the Istro-Kvamerine territory. The institutions just mentioned have developed a consistent publishing activity which comprises reviews, proceedings of conferences and special publications, such as Jadranski zbornik, Vjesnik, Buzetski zbornik, Pazinski memorijal, Libum ijske teme, Kastavski zbornik, Poreč ki zbornik, Histria etc. Amongst these the publications of the Čakavski sabor stand out, with 60 titles issued so far. In terms o f their fields, it is worth mentioning B. Bačič, B. M arušič and S. Mlakar for the archaeological period, D. Klen and L. Margetič for medieval history, M. Bertosa, D. Šepic and P. Stričič for modern history; and there are many others. Italian-Istran researchers are clustered around the Centre for Historical Research of Rovinj/Rovigno, which has established itself mainly with the publication o f the specialist reviews A tti and Q uadem i, as well as other special editions, and has succeeded in attracting the collaboration not only of Italian but also of Croatian and Slovenian historians. Beside Italian and Slav scholars, Istra has also interested other European historians, amongst whom one should mention W. Lenl and E. Mayer. Slovenian historians have produced a smaller but nevertheless very important elaboration of the themes of Istran history, beginning with France and Milko Kos, S. Rutar, M. Pahor and others, while lately F. Gestrin and D. Mihelič have been hard at work on the history of the Slovenian coastal towns; both of the latter have paid great attention to the economic structures of these small towns, and the last also to their daily life. The last few years have witnessed a notable progress in the study of Istran [2] A Review o f Historical Studies o f Istra history also amongst local historians, especially the younger ones, who show great promise and have an opportunity of creating a certain potential for future research with the journal A nnales which took the place of the journal Slovensko morje in zaledje after the latter ceased publication some years ago, the miscellany Acta Histriae and the monograph series Annales (Knjiznica Annales), all of which were published by the Historical Society o f Primorsko-Koper and by the recently established Science and Research Centre of the Republic of Slovenia in Koper (Znanstveno-raziskovalno sredisce Republike Slovenije Koper), an institution where Slovenian historians now have considerable opportunities for historical research. Map of the Istran peninsula drawn by Petro Coppo in 1525 (Le Tabule 147) [3] PREHISTORY A Geographical Note Looking at the geographical characteristics of Istra, one cannot escape the feeling that they are the cause o f the cultural, ethnic and social differences which, in this peninsula which almost belongs to another world, have arisen and are still arising, amongst a mixture of elements of varied provenance, in an area stretching from the Alpine world to the Mediterranean sea. On the basis of its natural characteristics the peninsula is traditionally divided into white, grey and red Istra. The north and the north-east of Istra is a mountainous zone, with the Karst at the foot o f the mountains Cicarija/Ciceria and Ucka/M onte Maggiore (1401m). It is referred to as W hite Istra because of the colour of the calcareous stone which covers most of the barren ground. Spreading to the south-east is the hilly zone, in the geological composition of which sandstone predominates. In many places erosion has uncovered the rocks, which are of a typical grey colour, and it is from these that the name Grey Istra derives. The lowest-lying zone of Istra is the west and south coast of the peninsula, which from the typical red colour of the soil is referred to as Red Istra. The Origin of the Name Istra The name o f the peninsula is linked to the Greek legend of the Argonauts, perhaps not so much because o f the authenticity of the ancient story but rather because of its symbolic content. Few people still remember that until the Roman conquest of Dacia, the modem region Dobruga o f Romania was called Istra, from the name given by the Greeks to the lower Danube which traverses it (i.e. Hister), and this is reflected in the current name o f one o f the tributaries of the Danube in Bulgaria, Isk’r. According to the legend, the Argonauts stole the Golden Fleece, a symbol of rich commerce, from the Colchians, a people o f Persian origin, who were merchants on the east coast of the Black Sea. Carrying the Golden Fleece with them, the Argonauts managed to escape from their pursuers across the Black Sea. Sailing along the Danube and the Sava they reached the Adriatic, and from there returned to their own country, Thessaly. The pursuing Colchians in turn gave Istra its name because its [5] A B rief History o f Istra numerous river mouths reminded them of their own region Istra on the Black Sea, where the town of the same name is located. In those times it was believed that great rivers crossed lands in order to connect the seas. Hence the Colchians believed that the Danube and the Sava (Hister) connected the Black Sea with the Adriatic, as proved by the resemblance o f the mouths of the two rivers. Only later did the Greeks become persuaded that the Sava and the Danube were not connected with the Adriatic; they then added to the legend the story of how the Argonauts carried on their shoulders the ship Argo from Nauportus (now Vrhnika) to the first river that emptied into the gulf of Kvamer. According to other versions o f the myth, some o f the Colchians remained in Istra and founded Pula. The truth in fact is not far from the legend; in fact, the latter supports it. The path o f the Argonauts traces the main directions o f Greek commercial colonisation after they had overcome the Persians. In their expansion Adriatic Istra soon became the point of convergence o f three principal commercial routes: (1) the route which from the Orient, through the Danube and across the Alps, led to the Occident; (2) the route which crossed Northern Italy; (3) the sea routes in the Adriatic. Ancient Greek historians— it was the historian and geographer Hecataeus of Miletus (560-490) who was the first to report the name of Istra—recorded the lively trade between the Adriatic and the Black Sea, by means of which the wines of Lesbos, Chios and Thasos, the amphoras of Corsica and the rich merchandise of Scythia travelled from one place to another, while off Istra there were two important islands rich in tin. Bronze vases from Venetia and Greece passed through Istra, as did yellow amber from the Balkans, tin from Gaul, and other goods, and of course trade in salt and slaves was not lacking. The first inhabitants of Istra From what has been said one may ask who were really the inhabitants of the Istran peninsula. As it is to a great extent surrounded by the sea, and closed off from its hinterland by the high Čičarija Plateau, it appears to be isolated. On the other hand, it is in fact ju st half way between the Appenine Peninsula and the Balkans, and occupies a middle position between the Mediterranean and Central Europe. It could be said that its geographical position and landscape both made settlement possible in all periods of human history, which is why the ethnic origin of the oldest groups of Istran inhabitants is so difficult to define. The theories which treat of this subject sometimes adopt extreme points of view. There is the theory of continuity, which claims an autochthonous origin for each Prehistory group of inhabitants, and there is the opposing theory of migrations of peoples into the peninsula. The ancient Greek ideal of the ‘golden mean’, however, will serve us better in this case, because there is no doubt that there was a continual flow and mixing of old and new settlers in definite areas in definite periods, in accordance with the laws of history as they may be observed elsewhere. Undoubtedly the Histrians were the prevailing ethnic group in Istra before the Roman period, but the nature of their ethnic unity has not yet been fully explained. We may deduce some traces of the formation of a unified cultural tradition extending over almost the entire Istran peninsula from the manner in which the dead were buried. During the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age inhumation was replaced by cremation, which was then preserved in Istra until the establishment of Christianity. We can find evidence of this in the necropoleis from the Iron Age which began to be explored in the last century when large burial areas at Beram, Picugi, Visace (the former Nesactium near Pula) and Pula were discovered. Therefore the Iron Age can be regarded as the period in which the Histrian ethnic group was formed. According to tradition, influences from the Italian and the Balkan peninsulas intersected in the area, and from Pannonia and the central European countries, but above all Venetic and Illyrian ethnic influences were mingled here. Through the medium of the Italic and still more the Etruscan cultures, Greek influence also made itself strongly felt in Istra, particularly after the 6th century BC when the GraecoEtruscan trade town o f Spina was established, which the Histrians could reach after only a short journey. From the 4th century onwards also Celtic influences can be perceived, since the Celts mixed ethnically with some Illyrian peoples: the Greek geographer and polymath Strabo explicitly mentions the Iapodes, who lived north east of the Histrians and until the 4th century also in eastern Istra up to the Rasa, as an Illyrian people mixed with the Celts. In the 4th century the Libumians were able to occupy the whole littoral area including the islands of Istra and of the G ulf of Kvarner precisely because o f the troubles that the Iapodes had with the Celts. According to the references in the antique sources in the north the Histrians also bordered on the tribes of the Kami, the Taurisci and the Rundicti (Rodik). On the other hand, Stipcevic, on the basis of their material culture, places the Histrians much closer to the Illyrians and adds that it is possible to discuss them as predominantly Illyrian. He finds grounds for his theory in the development of the autochthonous Illyrian culture in Istra and in the connections of that culture with Greek and other cultural centres: pendants in the shape of various animals, buckles decorated with geometrical motives or with schematized pictures of marsh birds, [7] A B rief History o f Istra ceramic vases or metal dishes (situlae) decorated with the same motives or with a spiral, a meander, a swastika etc., and earthenware and monumental sculptural art in stone which was the only work of this kind in the Illyrian area. All these were domestic products manufactured by Istran masters who firmly followed traditional motives and aesthetic principles. [8] Prehistory W ith some locally manufactured objects a foreign influence can be perceived, while others were probably imported. Undoubtedly to be classed among the latter are two fragmentary bronze situlas with decorations which show that they belong to a group of similar situlas from other areas in Slovenia which were settled by the Veneti and the Illyrians. They were found in a cemetery at Nesactium, but as few situlas with figural decoration have been discovered in Istran territory, it is hard to believe that they were manufactured there. Under strong Graeco-Etruscan influence and the influence of the neighbouring Veneti in the west and other Illyrian peoples in the north and east, a characteristic artistic activity developed in Istra, which at Nesactium created the most magnificent monuments of the prehistoric era in Illyrian territory - a series of almost life-size stone statues representing domestic deities, which presumably belonged to a prehistoric temple. It should also be noted that in Istra names of local deities, which are found nowehere else, appear among the Illyrian ones on Roman monuments, such as the goddess Eia, also the names of Melesocus, Boria, Iria and others. Like many other ancient peoples in that part of the world, the Histrians dwelt in ancient forts (gradišče, castelliere), but hese were more numerous in Istra than in other regions. Ancient forts were built on natural elevations difficult of access, or on [9] A B rief History o f Istra l'UÙN'" Lit <sa 70 ao at p J X J lltn .L n . o I se I 5. Gettmann Tritsit T» I too US «SO tTB I------I-1 1: 5 0 0 0 j MO » 8 IS O IT S 8 0 0 >n. - I ......... t__ !___ I Plans of two Istran forts (Marchesetti tav. VIII) river banks, i..e. in locations suitable for defence against enemies. Another factor which was equally important in influencing the choice of a place in which to build a fortified settlement was the economic one. The walls of these ancient forts were built to conform to the surrounding terrain, and the majority of them have been preserved until the present day. According to the findings revealed by investigation of the highest level of occupation in a large number of cases, and the smaller number of full excavations carried out so far, which mostly revealed only one cultural stratum, it seems that the majority of forts were formed as early as the Bronze Age. It is evident that some of them completely ceased to be occupied during the transition to the Iron Age and that entirely new settlements were built to replace them, while in many others life continued with the new culture. W ithin these forts, stone houses were [10] Prehistory built. For instance one such, measuring four metres by six metres, was found in the large fort (kastelir) of Monkas near Rovinj, but at this time they were also acquainted with circular stone houses, the precursors of today’s kazuni. By relying on the in-depth study of Marchesetti (1903), Benussi (1924) reached the conclusion that in Istra before the Roman conquest there were about 520 of these forts, in which some 120,000 persons lived. They are described as being very tall and strong. Anthropological research has shown that in fact at this time males reached an average height o f 1,65m and women 1,53m. By the standards of the present time, these measurements are not impressive, but in former times, when people were considerably shorter than they are today, they must have appeared tall compared with people of the average height of those days. They made their living by fishing and hunting, agriculture and cattle breeding, especially pasturing. On the basis of data from archaeological sites in Nesactium, it has been calculated that more than 50% of the animal bones discovered there belonged to sheep and goats, while pigs provided as little as 12% of the whole. The people of the area were also engaged in trade, and one of their most attractive extra activities was also piracy, with the result that a special type of ship (the libuma), which gained its name from the area, came to be associated with this occupation. Prehistoric finds from Nesactium (A. Puschi, Le necropoli...) [11] A N C IEN T TIM ES The Roman Conquest of Istra The writers of ancient times make it clear that the Histrians (Istri) were well known for piratical activities. This was one of the main excuses for the Romans to conduct their first campaign against them as early as 221 BC, after they had conquered the north of Italy and the territory of the Veneti. To strengthen their defences the Romans created the military settlement of Aquileia. The Histrians rightly regarded this as a threat to their independence, and in 181 tried to prevent the building of the settlement. They were defeated, but the peace did not last for long. ‘King’ Aepulo (whose name to the Romans resembled a Latin word which means a party-goer or even a drunkard), an uncompromising ruler, eager to fight, took the leadership of the Histrians and immediately began preparing to resist. The Romans sent an army against him in 178 BC, with expectations that were at first not fulfilled. On the contrary, one foggy morning the Histrians shrewdly surprised and routed it, so much so that the Romans had to abandon on the field o f battle all their supplies of food and wine. This, however, was in turn fatal for the Histrians, who despite their physical superiority and warlike ardour were, according to contemporary descriptions, much given to dissolute habits. As a result, by late afternoon they were in a complete drunken stupor and were easily defeated, many being killed and the survivors taken captive. Nonetheless this was not the definitive defeat of the Histrians. After the initial setback, the Romans subdued them only after receiving very substantial reinforce ments from Rome. The decisive battle took place in 178-177 BC near the legendary Nesactium. For a long time the H istrians put up a resistance from their tribal, political and religious centre. But when the Romans diverted the river that for protection circled the fortifications, the Histrians became convinced that it was a miracle— ‘miraculo terruit abscissae aquae’, as it was described by the Roman historian Livy— and seized by panic, in order that they should not be taken alive, they started killing their women and children and throwing them over the walls in front of their horrified enemies. King Aepulo also, like so many of his fearless warriors, died by his own hand, run through by his own sword. The few who survived were taken prisoner by the Romans and became slaves. Even though the Histrians still put up a resistance in the fortresses of Mutila and Faveria, which the Romans completely destroyed after the battle just described, the defeat near Nesactium decisively ended the independence of Istra. The two days of popular festivities which were organised in Rome provided a tangible proof of the importance that the Romans gave to this victory over the Histrians. [13] A B rief History o f Istra Istra under Roman Rule The Romans at first entrusted Istra to the authority of the governor of Gallia, who was charged with administering civil and military affairs. A third of the land became property of the State (ager publicus), and hence it could be claimed that the Romans carried out the first agrarian reform in Istra. The Istrans were particularly damaged by the prohibition of trade, which provoked repeated revolts against the authorities. This is an indication that the Istrans were still not completely subdued, since the Romans at first had occupied only the towns of the coastal strip inherited from the Greeks and from the Histrians. In the interior of the peninsula the Illiro-Celtic Histrians continued for a long time to put up resistance from their forts until the Romans, during their centuries of domination, gradually succeeded in Romanising them— thanks principally to the spread of the large estates (latifundia) where the land was cultivated by serfs and by foreign colonists. ^ S C L E V E S I P £ aT R O N I O a TRITI/ F, iSi IN TROVINTIAV* FF a L a T VR.VS ij Labin, Roman tombstone (P Petronio, Memorie ...) [14] Ancient Times The presence of the Histrians can still today be proven from many place names, which are often better preserved in the interior than on the coast. The oldest and most important coastal Istran towns, Trieste/Trst (Tergestum), Pula/Pola (Pietas Iulia) and Porec/Parenzo (Parentium), which became Roman colonies between 50 and 40 BC, preserve in their names their Histrian origins, as does Buzet/Pinguente (Piquentium) in the interior. Certain towns also acquired the status of a fortified town (oppidum): Roc/Rozzo (R ocium ), Pican/Pedina (P etina), Koper/Capodistria (A egida), Piran /Pirano (Pyrrhanum), Umag/Umago (Sepomagum), Novigrad/Cittanova (in late Latin Neapolis and in mediaeval sources Aemon(i)a and Civitas Nova), Visace/Monticchio (Nesactium), Labin/Albona (Albona) and Plomin/Fianona (Flanona). Administrative Arrangements The three main coastal cities, which had self government, with a Curia (the local Senate) and elected administrators headed by two duumviri, also governed the vast Istran hinterland: Trieste/Trst administered the territory stretching between the rivers Timavo/Timav and Mima/Quieto, Porec/Parenzo the territory between the M ima and the Limski Kanal/Leme Channel, and from here southwards there spread the territory Cover illustration of the work by G.R. Carli, Dette antichità italiche II, taken from a Roman tombstone, which is now lost [15] A B rief History o f Istra of the jurisdiction of Pula/Pola. Later other towns emerged in these territories, as for example Koper/Capodistria (Aegida-Capris, Justinopolis) with its territory between the Rižana/Risano (Formio) and the Dragonja/Dragogna (.Argaon) and Novigrad, with its territory between the Dragon and the Mima. By the time of Gaius Julius Caesar the border of Italy had been shifted to the Timavo (Timavus) river. Shortly after his assassination the border was shifted to the river Rižana, then between 27 and 12 BC the emperor Augustus (formerly known as Octavian) moved the frontier of Italy to the river Rasa (Arsa) and founded the so-called Tenth region of Italy - Venetia and Istria (Decima regio ItaliaeVenetia et Histria). In this way almost the whole of the Istran peninsula was absorbed into the Italy of that time as a region on its own, where Istra was not subordinate to Venetia but only coupled with it. The eastern border of the province followed a line which went approximately from the Triglav mountain to Nanos and Snežnik, then alongside the river Rasa to the G ulf of Kvamer/Quamero. As Roman citizens, the Istrans were on a par legally, economically and culturally with the inhabitants of Rome and therefore they were exempted from specified taxes and services— that is to say they were privileged by comparison with other inhabitants of the Roman Empire. The Romans conquered the territory to the east of the Rasa, the so-called Libum ia, after 50 BC, but the territory between the Rasa and Trsat/Tersatto was annexed to Italy only about 167 AD following the incursions of the Quadi and the Marcomanni and the wars with them that followed. However, no later than the end of the 5th century, when Roman power was declining, the border returned to the Rasa. Evidence of the continuity of the border on the Rása river between Istra and Libumia and between Istra and Dalmatia may also be found in the work of the emperor and Byzantine historian Constantine Porphyrogenitus, according to whom in 950 Istra to the east of the Rasa and the Clana was part of Croatia. From the second half of the 2nd century to the fall of the Western Empire (476), all the territory stretching as far as Ljubljana (Emona) and the Triglav area was also administratively part of Italy. The Economy, Commerce and Industrial Production The Romans brought prosperity to the region. There are many architectural remains which bear witness to this, especially at Trieste, Poreč and Pula, where even today one can admire the amphitheatre, the Arch of the Sergii and the temple of Augustus, besides various inscriptions and mosaics which are clear evidence of the vibrant cultural life of the region. Pula had become a prominent centre and many patrician [16] Ancient Times Romans had properties and summer residences around the city, as elsewhere in Istra. The province was popular with veteran soldiers who received land there, and also with Roman investors; as is well known, the Romans did not like having underdeveloped provinces, for the simple reason that one could not trade with the poor. By the side of the already prosperous agriculture of the area (whose principal products were wine, oil, oysters and wool sent from large Istran properties to regions to the north and to M editerranean ports), handicrafts also developed. Cochineal colours were produced on the islands near Rovinj/Rovigno, a big woollen mill was located near Pula/Pola, on the Brioni islands textile manufacturing took place, whilst near Fazan/Fasana a full scale brick factory has been discovered — probably a branch of the Lombard brick factory at Vercelli. All over the province kilns were flourishing for the production o f coarse and fine pottery, given that Istra abounded in the respective primary materials. A t Črvar/Cervera near Poreč amphoras were produced specially for the emperors. Southern Istra was also rich in flinty sand, a fundamental primary m aterial for the production o f glass, the extraction of which has been established in a number of locations. An activity of outstanding importance was the quarrying of the Istran stone used for the most noble monuments. Roman roads in Istra (drawn by M. Baldini, in A. Šonje, Putevi ...) [17] A B rief History o f Istra Commerce too contributed to the rapid Romanization of the population, since with the development o f commercial traffic, the inhabitants of the various parts of the immense empire came to the province. The furthering of this activity necessitated a good network of roads and in Istra commercial traffic established two principal arteries which of course also satisfied military requirements. The first, the so-called Via Gemina, went from Aquileia and Trieste through the Karst to M aterija, Obrov, Lipa and Klana, from where, near Rijeka, it descended towards Trsat to continue along the Dalmatian coast. The second, the so-called Via Flavia, went from Trieste, crossing the Rižana, the Dragonja and, at Ponte Porton, the biggest Istran river the M im a, it reached the Limski Canal, Dvigrad, Bale, Vodnjan and Pula. Here the road turned towards Visače, reaching the Rasa, and crossing the river, continued as a local road through Labin and Plomin as far as Kastav, where it joined at an angle with the already mentioned Via Gemina. The network of roads was in general completed by linking roads which joined the Istran towns with the Via Flavia.. Two more main roads left the commercial and military centre of Aquileia, and traversed what was then and in the middle ages Istran territory, the more important being that which passed through Vipaccio and Ajdovščina and then led in the direction of Lubiana, or towards Prem. However, by the end of Roman rule Aquileia became a centre of a very different type, a centre for the diffusion of Christianity. The Diffusion of Christianity in Istra There is no doubt that, after Rome, the most important centre for the dissemination of Christianity in W estern Europe was Aquileia. As an approximation it is possible to date the appearance of Christian communities in Istran cities in the middle or in the second half of the 3rd century. There is historical evidence of the persecution of Christians in Aquileia and in Istra as early as the time o f the Emperor Diocletian, when at least fourteen Christians died as martyrs. A genuine Istran saint from the 3rd century, who died a martyr’s death, was Saint Servul from Socerb/San Servolo, while a number of more or less apocryphal saints are also known in Istra, particularly Sainl Sergej (Sergius) from Črni Kal. The veneration of these two saints spread widely in surrounding areas as well, the former being much venerated in the Veneto, whilst even today Trieste bears as its city crest the halberd of St Sergius. Because it was the point of contact between Italy and Illyria and the point of convergence of the sea and land routes leading there from the various parts of the empire, the spiritual aspect of Christianity took many forms in Istra. The Christian [IB] Ancient Times communities of the area originally had ethnic, cultural and spiritual traits which were more eastern in nature, but in that period began to acquire values which were more Western and Latin. In Istra Christianity was at first limited to the cities, perhaps involving also people in nearby areas, while the population o f the countryside was alm ost completely pagan. W ith the conversion to Christianity of the long-established Latin component of the population, particularly those belonging to the higher classes, the The altar of the Italico-byzantine basilica at Old Muggia/Milje [19] A B rief History o f Istra social aspect of Christianity began to change and spread. It was no longer a socially and ethnically exclusive religion as it had been at the beginning, when it was limited to Greek speakers originating from the east, and to Jews who had become converts. As soon as Christianity obtained freedom of worship (by the Edict of Milan of 313), it was faced with the great danger of an internal split because of the vehement im pact of the Arian heresy. Even though V enetia and Istra were a centre of Catholicism, Arianism gained the upper hand for a brief period in Aquileia at the time of the bishopric of Fortunatianus (355-368), as a result o f his political indecision. W hen neighbouring western Pannonia was struck by a wave of Arianism coming from eastern Pannonia and from M oesia a battle for the ‘true’ faith took place at Aquileia, and it was in fact the Synod of Aquileia of 381 which brought about the decisive defeat of Arianism in Illyria. [20] Ancient Times Ecclesiastical Organisation Only after this victory, in the last decades of the 4th century, was the ecclesiastical organisation completed with the integration of the fundamental network of bishoprics (in theory every Roman city had a bishop’s seat) and the configuration of the metropolitan system. Almost all the territory where at a later stage the Alpine Slavs would settle, as well as Istra and Venice, were part of the metropolitan church of Aquileia as early as the 4th century, even though the bishop of Aquileia gained the title of 'metropolitanus episcopus Venetiae’ only in 442. The irresistible rise of Christianity during this time is also documented by the material sources. The second half of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century was in fact a period of intense construction of churches in the territory of Aquileia and Istra (Aquileia, Grado, Trieste, Poreč, Vrsar/Orsera, Pula). Evidently all the Christian communities in the cities, and also in major towns in the countryside, had their own seats of worship, in major cities even many seats. In this period the church o f Aquileia reached its maximum splendour, which manifested itself also in the flourishing o f Christian literature, which grew in the circle of ascetics in Aquileia after 370. The highest expression of such literature was the great Jerome, bom in the locality o f Stridone, at the meeting of Istra, Pannonia and Dalmatia. Stridone is also the medieval name o f the village of Zdrenj/Sdregna near Buzet, where the majority of Italian historians in the past placed the birthplace of the saint. However, the place of birth of this famous Christian writer has been much debated by ecclesiastical writers and recently R Bratož, in an extract from his book Zgodovina Cerkve na Slovenskem (History of the Church in Slovenia), published in 1991, has accepted the latest theory, in his opinion well-founded, according to which the place was located in the area of Čičarija, between Starad, Šapjane and Žejane. Up to the end of the 6th century the following bishoprics were established in Istra: Trieste, Koper/Capodistria, Novigrad/Cittanova, Poreč, Cissa (?) and Pula, and up to the 10th century Pedena (Pičen) also, in central Istra. The areas of jurisdiction of the medieval dioceses became the basis for the administrative arrangements and delineation of borders in the centuries to come. [21] THE MIDDLE AGES The Völkerwanderung and the Fall of the Western Roman Empire The beginning o f weakness was already heralded by the eruption of the Goths and the Alans, who in 378 destroyed Poetovio and Stridone. Various barbarian populations now started to exert pressure on the frontiers of the Roman empire, more so after the abandonment of the defensive line on the Danube in 395. In the same year the empire was definitively split between that of the W est and that of the East; the latter, with fluctuating fortunes, managed to survive for another thousand years. Fortified Roman sites in Istra according to B. Marusic (A. Sonje, Putevi...) [23] A B rief History o f Istra Despite the constant incursions and pillages that these wandering populations imposed on Italy during this age o f migrations, Istra did not experience such horrors in the 5th and the first half of the 6th century, thanks above all to the fortified line of the defensive wall that went from Trsat to Planina. The fall of the Western Roman empire (476) and the reign of the Germans, in particular the Goths, in Istra and in Italy did not result in significant social changes. The situation in Istra in this transitional period is very clearly described in the letters of the chief administrator of the Gothic princes, the praetorian prefect and Senator Cassiodorus. In a letter to a certain Paulus, written between 533 and 537 he orders '...that the soldiers should not run out o f wine, and Paulus should buy it in Istra where the vine has given a rich harvest. ’ From subsequent letters we come to realise that Istra was ‘very rich in 537. ’ Therefore the senator, who had heard of the abundant harvest from many travellers, ordered that for the season 537—538 there should be exacted instead of taxes ‘products equivalent to the money they would have had to pay in cash’ and that there should be sent ‘from the Royal treasury enough cash to buy as much o f the said grain as is possible to buy without causing (the Istrans) damage. ’ Byzantine Rule W hen in 538-539 Istra passed to the Byzantine rule of the Eastern Empire it was, from an administrative point o f view, under the exarchate of Ravenna together with Venetia. The civil and military governments in Venetia and in Istra were at first separate, while the cities maintained their municipal arrangements. However, when enemy incursions into Istra began in the second half of the 6th century, in particular by the Lombards after 568 and successively by the Avars and Slavs, considerable changes in administrative arrangements took place. Civil and military government was united and the military commander, the m agister militum , was named head of the province. He also became also the civil administrator o f the province (iudex provinciae). At the head of cities tribuni, vicarii and lociservatores were appointed. The Byzantines clashed with the Franks on the Istran borders as early as the middle of the 6th century, that is, before the advance of the Lombards into Italy, which was contained till 568 by the Roman defensive strip from Trsat to Ajdovščina. This strip comprised two lines of defence along the north-west frontier of Istra, and hence it is easy to suppose that in the Byzantine period also, the administrative border of Istra also ran along the line of defence of the so-called numerus Tergestinus. The situation changed after the irruption o f the Lombards, of the Avars and especially of the Slavs who, at the beginning of the 7th century reached the southern [24] The Middle Ages part of the peninsula. From here Byzantine power stretched to the east only as far as Rasa and Učka, to the north as far as the southern hills of Čičarija and Buzet and, of course, along the coast as far as the Trieste valley. Thus Istra was separated, not only in a political sense but also in a cultural sense, into completely different areas. Novigrad/Cittano va The Lombards, moving from the Pannonian plain to that of Friuli, invaded Northern Istra also, in particular the hinterland of Trieste, where they raided and settled some of their people. It was under their rule in 599 that the Istrans began for the first time to be terrorised by the joint invaders, the Avars and Slavs, who made their first appearance in this province in 599, as it is recorded in the letters of Pope Gregory I. In the following years the Slavs, together with the Lombards (602) or on their own (611), plundered Istra, clashing with the Byzantine army and especially with the militias o f the cities. Archaeological finds and contemporary historical sources show no further traces of settlement on a larger scale, since the few Slavs who settled down became Romanised within a short time, particularly under the influence of religion. A small amount o f archaeological evidence proves that Slavs were employed as mercenaries in the town militias and along the defensive belt of the bishopric of Koper/Capodistria and Novigrad/Cittanova on the M ima, which to the north-west continued on the Istrian karst towards Trieste. [25] A B rief History o f Istra The influx of Slavs into Istra came from two directions: from due north there came the ancestors o f the Slovenians, and from the east and by sea the ancestors of the Croatians. They must have been successfully held back in their advance by the defensive organisation of the so-called Numerus Tergestinus that went from the river Timav through the Istran Karst to Kastav. In the areas behind this defensive complex, the cities formed further units of defence. Up to the Frankish conquest of Istra in 788, the Slavs had managed to settle only in the northern part o f the peninsula, in the area between the sources of the Rizana, Dragonja and M ima in the environs of Buzet and in the zone north-east of Ra&a, where to this day, M t Pemn above M oscenice/Moschiena reminds one of the pagan Slav period. Relevant to this is the report that Pope John IV (640-642) sent the abbot Martin to Istra and Dalmatia in order to rescue the slaves who had fallen into the hands of the pagans. It is generally known that the Slavs, after their arrival in the areas at the foot of the Alps, did not covert to Christianity for a long time. The reasons for this are to be found in the lack of action on the part of the church of Aquileia. Although it was charged with spreading the Gospel in these territories, the church was instead caught up, from the second half of the 6th to the end of the 7th century, in more serious problems with the so-called ‘Schism of the Three Chapters’ or simply ‘Istran schism’, from the name of the region in which it lasted the longest. The Istran Schism In the middle and in the second half of the 6th century, above all because of the caesaro-papism of Justinian and of the efforts for unity within the Church, the church of Aquileia (and initially also that of Milan and of most of the churches in the West) split away from Rome and from Constantinople. It was a movement not founded on differences of dogma, that is on “heresy”, but rather a manifestation of the desire to protect internal autonomy. Various internal and external political factors contributed to the spread and duration of the schism in Istra. International factors manifested themselves principally in the continuous quarrelling and tests o f strength between the Byzantine and Lombard States in the upper Adriatic, after the former was left only with the territory of Istra and the narrow coastal strip between Aquileia and the rapidly expanding town in the Venetian lagoon. Contemporary chroniclers defined the Byzantine territories in the upper Adriatic, from the administrative point of view, simply as Istra. Meanwhile the Franks, a danger to both States, were coming threateningly close to these territories. [26] The Middle Ages Internal political events were reflected mainly in the continuous rivalry and clashes between the patriarchate of Aquileia and that of Grado for metropolitan power over Istra, until at the council of Mantua of 827 it was assigned to the patriarchate of Aquileia. The establishment and at the same time the separation of the patriarchate of Grado from that of Aquileia took place in 568 when the first head of the schismatics, Paulinus, bishop o f Aquileia, fleeing from the advancing Lombards took refuge in Grado bringing with him the treasures o f the church. The patriarchs of Grado for some time regarded themselves as the legitimate heirs of the patriarchs of Aquileia, seeing that the latter resided at Cormons and later at Cividale and Udine, that is to say always in Lombard territory. They used them to provoke dissension in the Byzantine State and in Istra, which was entrusted to the patriarchate of Grado. There was also significant pressure from the Pope, who in the last decades of the 6th century succeeded, with the help o f Byzantium, in breaching the formerly tight ranks of the schismatic bishops. However, in 590 at the ‘Synod of the Ten Bishops’, held at Marano in Byzantine territory, the schismatic bishops readmitted to their ranks the patriarch o f Aquileia, Severus. He, together with the three Istran bishops of Trieste, Poreč and Cissa, had revoked his adhesion to the schism because of pressures and violence from the Byzantine authorities in Ravenna, but now he again joined it. Lastly one must not forget that danger from the Avars and Slavs, which forced the Christian communities of today’s Slovenian zones to emigrate to the more secure provinces under Byzantine rule, was also an important factor. Almost certainly the politico-religious crisis in the cities of northern Istra (most of the bishops of Pula did not adhere to the schism) was linked to the arrival of (?catholic) refugees from the continental hinterland. This vigorous and unpleasant test of strength, which did not abate till after the decline of the Lombard State at the end of the 7th century, is demonstrated by what happened to the catholic bishop Johannes who came from Pannonia and in 599 (or a little earlier), was named bishop of Novigrad/Cittanova (‘New Castle’; in late Latin sources also Neapolis or ‘New City’, in medieval sources Emon(i)a and Civitas Nova), only to be thrown out later by the schismatic bishop Severus. There were sim ilar controversies in Koper. In this city (which for ecclesiastical purposes was united with Novigrad) the patriarch Severus expelled Johannes the bishop of Novigrad, and appointed as bishop a schismatic whose name is not known. But the new bishop, together with the citizenry, soon turned to Catholicism and broke off relationships with the schismatics. More evidence of this struggle is to be found in Trieste where Bishop Firminus turned catholic in 602, although the schismatic patriarch inspired much resistance in the population. [27] A B rief History o f Istra The Lombard Conquest The Lombards now had one final spurt in the development of their State. In 751 they defeated the Byzantines and conquered Ravenna, the centre of Byzantine power in the upper Adriatic. During those years Lombard rule was established for a brief period in Istra too. The Istrans regarded it as a regime of terror and brazen exploitation and therefore they looked forward to a return of Byzantine government, which happened after the Lombard defeat by the Franks in 776. The unexpected conquest of Ravenna was of more advantage to Venice, since from then on the Venetians were no longer required to seek confirmation of the appointment of their Doges from Byzantium, but could elect them independently. It cannot, however, be said precisely when and how Venice became completely free of Byzantine domination. Administrative Arrangements under the Germanic Princes The Franks, after their victory over the Byzantines in Italy in 788-789, obtained Istra ‘on the negotiating table’ rather than by military occupation. With their arrival, the need for land defence ceased until the Hungarian incursions at the end of the 9th and the first half of the 10th century. To the north, a legacy of the defeated (776) Lombard State was a solid border between Friuli and Istra on the Timavo river. This does not mean, however, that Friuli and Istra were not united in other ways into a single state. At the State Council of Aquisgrana in 828 the new Bavarian sovereign Louis or Ludwig the German removed the marquis of Friuli, Balderic, because o f his failures to defend it, and ‘divided the marquisate, over which he had reigned alone, amongst fo u r c o u n ts’ As established by B. Grafenauer, these counties were the Friulan M arquisate (which did not encompass the whole of Friuli), Istra including the Triestine Karst to the Valley of Vipava and Sneznik, the county which stretched along the Sava (this is the time when the future Kranj/Camiola area took shape), and lower Pannonia to the north of the Drava. M ore specifically, after the treaty o f Verdun in 843 when the nephews of Charlemagne divided the empire amongst themselves, the eastern frontier of the R ealm o f Italy was fixed at the eastern boundary of Istra as far as the Triglav/Tricorno. Lothar gained Italy, which included Friuli and Istra while the German Ludvic gained the kingdom of the eastern Franks, as a result of which until 952 the eastern border of Friuli and of Istra also represented the political frontier between the two states, that is between the two different juridical and formal systems. For the further development of events the year 952 is important. This is when King Otto I, in the context of organising a defence against the Magyars, excised Istra [28] The Middle Ages and Friuli (the Margraviate of Verona) from the Kingdom of Italy and included it in the Duchy of Bavaria. Thus Germanic influence became reinforced in Istra. It increased further when the emperor Otto II formed in 976 the autonomous Duchy of Carinthia which did not include Bavaria, although Istra and the Margraviate of Verona were part of it. Within the Duchy Istra had an independent provincial role, as is evidenced by the fact that its dukes were often referred to as Dukes of Carinthia and Istra, such as for example Adalberon in 1000 (dux Carentani et H ystriae’), or his successor Conrad (who held the ‘ducatum in Carentano et in H istria’), while in the separate provinces counts or marquises ruled. Istra was definitively designated as a separate marquisate when the Germanic emperor Henry III, wanting to weaken the influence of the dukes of Carinthia, gave it in fief to Ulderic of Weimar (1040-1070). On that occasion Istra was augmented by the addition of the territory to the east of the Rasa up to Rijeka and so what is still today the eastern border of the region became fixed in a geographic and administrative sense. However, for over a century already it had not included Trieste and its hinterland within a radius of three Frankish leagues (21 kilometres) which was an enclave separated from the provincial administration and entrusted to the bishops of Trieste. After Ulderic of Weimar, the position of feudal lord of Istra was held by the following: Marquard of Eppenstein (deceased 1076), the patriarch of Aquileia Sigard (1077), Henry o f Eppenstein (1078), Popon and Ulderic W eimar-Orlamunde (10901102) the Spanheims (1112-1173) and the Andechs-M eranskis (1173-1208). As a mle all of them were simultaneously marquises of Camiola and Istra. Social Relationships in the State of Charlemagne Frankish rule radically changed social relationships in Istra. It broke up the R om anByzantine arrangements and introduced feudalism, although the process took some time. The cities lost their jurisdiction over the surrounding territories, in accordance with the Frankish policy which considered all publicly owned land to be the property of the crown. A t the same time the citizens were exposed to the absolute power of their bishops. The Franks divided the province into centene headed by a Frankish administrator residing in Novigrad. When the Frankish duke Johannes started to seize properties, to impose various taxes on the citizens and to settle Slavs within the territories of cities, the citizens of Istra appealed to the central authorities. Their complaints were examined at a meeting in Rizana near Koper in about 804— in the presence of envoys representing Charlemagne. [29] A B rief History o f Istra In the agreement which was reached between the feudal Frankish power and that o f the municipality, the autonomy of the cities was recognised, but their lands in the countryside were not returned. As for the Slavs, Duke Johannes committed himself to expelling them if they should cause any damage or make a nuisance of themselves. In any case, the Riž ana agreement marked a success for the Istran cities only for a brief period since feudal social relationships continued to develop and to strengthen. Above all the pow er of the Church was growing, together with that of the bishops (especially in Trieste, Porec and Pula) and that o f the abbots— to whom the Frankish lords granted various properties and privileges, in expectation of their support. Regional Political Events The feudal lords in Istra found themselves far from the centre of the State, and since they wanted to be involved in what was happening in Germany they were often absent, leaving the administration of Istra to their lieutenants. The result was a weakening of central authority in Istra, a fragmentation of the administrative units and the formation of feudal fiefdoms. As the bishops and the abbots were also in no position to exercise direct power in their possessions, they entrusted the management to their lay representatives (advocati), while leaving defence to the individual feudal lords. In time this ‘defence’ resulted in the loss of the properties. Thus in the second half of the 12th century count M aynard of Schwarzenberg became lord of central Istra, laying the foundation of what would later become the County of Pazin/Pisino. On the basis of succession rights at the end of the 12th century this jurisdiction passed to the counts of Gorizia. In a similar way there came about the jurisdiction of Duino/Devin in the north west o f the Istran peninsula. As the representatives of the patriarchs of Aquileia the Duinans obtained many fiefdoms on the Istran-Slovenian karst. In the first half of the 12th century they extended their power over the fiefdoms of Rijeka, Kastav, Veprinac and Mošcenice, which belonged to the bishops of Pula. This coastal fiefdom was also referred to as Merania. The cities on the west coast of Istra contributed to the weakening of the single feudal power in the region. With the aim of gradually regaining their hinterlands and thus developing undisturbed their sea trade, the cities tried to free themselves as much as possible from direct subjection to the feudal power. Venice, which from the 9th century succeeded Byzantium in the Adriatic, intervened in the relationships between Istran towns and imposed her will on them. [30] The Middle Ages Contacts between the Istran cities and Venice in the Xth Century. In the 9th and 10th centuries the Istran towns and Venice had enemies in common, i.e. the Croatians (who in 876 attacked Sipar, Umag, Novigrad and Rovinj) and the Saracens. The leading role in the fight against them fell to Venice, a situation that she knew how to exploit. So in 932 Koper, already the most important Istran partner of Venice, undertook to the Venetian doge to supply him each year to the end of his days with 100 amphoras o f wine, to offer protection to Venetian citizens in Koper and to resolve the problem of the debts claimed by Venetian citizens. [31] A B rief History o f Istra Since these were accords between two cities belonging to different States and without the consent of the imperial authorities, the treaty of Koper/Capodistria was not accepted by the self-proclaimed ‘Marquis of Istria’, W intker, who banned the payment of debts claimed by the Venetian citizens and started to usurp their properties and to sack Venetian ships. After economic sanctions from Venice, the peace of Rialto, achieved in 933 between the representatives of the Istran cities and the M arquis, was a victory for Venice and the confirmation of the privileges she had already acquired on the Istran coast. In addition, the Istrans undertook to give timely warning to Venetian citizens in Istra in case they should be threatened by bellicose acts on the part of the king of Italy. The renegotiation o f the treaty between Venice and Koper in 977, only a year after the foundation of the Duchy of Carinthia (976), proved how independent the conclusion of accords between Istran cities and Venice could be. Beside reconfirming the privileges acquired by Venice in 932, Koper promised its neutrality in the event of a war between Venice and the Istran cities. The Economic Growth of the Cities and the Venetian Sphere of Influence The Venetian domination of the Adriatic manifested itself again when during a punitive naval expedition against pirates from Croatia and the Naretva (to whom Venice for almost a century had to pay custom duties in order to sail the Adriatic freely) the Doge Pietro Orseolo visited Pula and Porec in the year 1000. After this expedition, the Venetian doge assumed the title o f Lord (Dux) of Dalmatia, and under this name in Venice every year, on the night of the Assumption, he conducted the ceremony called ‘Wedding of the Sea’. In the succeeding period, free of the clashes between the pirates and Venice, the Istran cities experienced a gradual economic boom (also related to the Crusades), with growth in agricultural production, above all oil and wine, with further development of fishing, salt production and the realising of rich profits from sea trade. However, this growth brought them again into conflict with Venice, first in 1145, when it was Pula, Koper and Izola (which belonged to Koper) which opposed Venice. Once they were defeated, the Istran cities were obliged to swear “the oath of loyalty” (facere fidelitatem) to the Doge and they had to undertake to supply military aid to the Venetian navy. A second attempt at opposition by Pula took place (1149) and a second oath of loyalty followed (1150) which was also taken by other towns that had taken part in the revolt: Rovinj, Porec, Novigrad and Umag. The Istran [32] The Middle Ages towns were forced to promise ships as military aid and payments of tribute (generally olive oil). The importance that Venice attached to the subjugation of the towns between Savudrija and Premantur is proved by the grand welcome given in the lagoon city to the victorious troops and to the war leaders Morosini and Gradenigo. The Venetian Doge assumed on this occasion the title of Istriae dominator. After an untold number of clashes with Venice (1195) the citizens of Pula were obliged to tear down their city walls. Meanwhile, Koper exploited the resistance of the Istran cities, remained loyal to Venice and in exchange in 1182 obtained a monopoly of salt on the Istran coasts for a period of 29 years - becoming in this fashion the only port between Gradeza and Pula where salt carried by ships could be unloaded. In this way Koper received that fundamental privilege which in decades to come this city, aided by Venice, was to use, thus establishing its economic pre eminence among the Istran towns. The Municipal Institutions of the Cities Even though the political situation was precarious, as a result of the economic independence and absence o f the feudal lords, the cities were approaching administrative autonomy. In contrast to the cities o f the interior which had been founded by feudal lords and from whom alone they could obtain communal rights (in Slovenia from the 13th century onwards), the coastal cities preserved the basis of administrative autonomy from as far back as late antiquity. During the Byzantine era the administrative autonomy of the cities was on its way to extinction, but it never totally disappeared. Proof of this are the elected judges (iudices) who under the Franks were called scabini. At the head of the cities were the so-called locopositi, nominated by the central power, who, becoming gradually integrated into the fabric of city society, accepted also from it the relationships which unitied the communities. In the 12th century began a process o f liberation from the power of the bishops and of the local feudal lords, something in which the cities of northern Italy had taken the lead. Soon these influences spread to the Istran towns. The Commune was constituted at Koper in 1186, at Piran in 1192, at Porec in 1194, at Pula in 1199, at Trieste and Muggia in 1202. The citizens autonomously elected their Consuls, their Rectors, and later their Podestá (mayors)— the first being that of Koper in 1186. Even some of the major villages which did not have the status of city, succeeded in freeing themselves from the feudal power o f bishops and to establish local autonomy. In Istra the status of city (=civitas) was held only by localities that had already obtained the municipal privilege in antiquity or during the Byzantine period and which, at the [33] A B rief History o f Istra Poreč in the XHIth century same time, were the seats of bishops, that is Trieste, Koper, Novigrad, Poreč, Pula and Pičen; however, in some of these cities the authority of the bishop was suspended and reinstated, as for example in Koper, while it is not clear what happened to the rather ancient episcopate of Cissa. Thus in the cities power passed from the bishops, who had governed all the inhabitants, to the elected lay rectors who at first, like the bishops, had to submit to the will o f the body that had the ultimate power - the Arengo (assembly of all free citizens). The evolution of these organs of government resulted in the exploitation of their mandate by the most distinguished and wealthy citizens who in time ‘raised them selves’ above the rest o f the citizens, partly to manage the community of citizens in a simpler way. This is how the Councils of Citizens came about. On the Venetian model, at the end o f the 13th century the members effected the so-called ‘sen a ta ’ (closing) of the councils which entailed the refusal to admit representatives of [34] The Middle Ages new families in the city. These were admitted only at times of grave declines in population caused by epidemics which decimated the nobility as well. Almost the opposite was the fate o f the bishopric of Koper, which according to chroniclers already existed in 524, when it was held by the first bishop and protector of the city, the legendary St Nazarius. The existence of the episcopate is attested by sources in 599 (Bishop Johannes) and later in the middle of the 8th century with two bishops, Johannes and Senator. In the intermediate period, up to the re-foundation of the episcopate of Koper in 1186 (which subsequently lasted continuously to 1830, that is till the union with the diocese of Trieste), the bishopric was entrusted to nearby Novigrad, Gradeza and Trieste. However, the city did not lose its bishop’s seat and many historians explain the absence o f the bishop by the lack o f means for his upkeep. The renewed [35] A B rief History o f Istra occupation o f the bishop’s seat became possible only in 1186, thanks to the Commune o f Koper which assigned to the episcopate some physical assets (the localities of Lopar, Padna, Brie and Sermin and 1000 terraces of vines). This was at a time when the Commune, which was beginning to establish itself as an autonomous administrative unit, needed the episcopate mainly for confirmation of its own power. Istra under the Patriarchs of Aquileia A t the time of the last feudal lay lords o f Istra, the Spanheims and the AndechsM eranskis, the cities elected their rectors freely. M oreover, the cities stipulated commercial agreements ‘at great distances’, of the kind that Piran for example made with Dubrovnik in 1188 and with Split in 1192, and Porec with Dubrovnik in 1194, or they independently resolved conflicts, as happened in the case of the peace treaties between Labin and Rab and between Piran (threatened by troops from Koper) and Rovinj in 1210. Such freedom in decision-making of the cities was significantly curtailed by the patriarchs o f Aquileia to whom Istra was given in feud by the German emperor in 1208. Patriarch Volfger began to appoint his representatives in the cities and in the main boroughs. In Koper there resided for a certain time the potestas marchionis who had his seat in the Palace of the Praetors, in Pula we had the comes regaliae, while in later periods the administrators of the patriarchs of Aquileia were given such titles as gastaldo ( ‘principal’ - generalis gastaldus), judge (richtarius) and margrave (marchio). Despite the fact that the Marquis exercised his power over the whole of Istra, the possessions o f the counts o f Gorizia in central Istra and those of the Duinos in the Kvamer remained outside the jurisdiction of the patriarchs of Aquileia. Nonetheless, the patriarch of Aquileia, Bertoldo Andechs, obtained from the emperor in 1220 the right to make arrangements regarding commerce, to exercise judicial power and to grant pardons and to mint coins, as well as the right to forbid the cities the election of a rector-podestá (especially if a citizen of Venice) without the previous assent of the patriarch. Nevertheless, since the policies of the patriarchs were based on the constitution of a central power completely new in the marquisate of Istra, they inevitably led to rebellions of the cities on the west coast and conflicts with Venice. The latter, with help from Koper, succeeded in creating in 1230 a pan-Istran organisation, called Universitas Istriae, headed by a Venetian citizen. This league dissolved itself after only one year, because of Koper’s attempt to impose itself upon other cities. The patriarch was not just a passive onlooker and in 1232 occupied the rebellious Pula, [36] The Middle Ages while in 1238 he managed to get Koper on his side. In Pula the patriarch put his trust in the family o f the Sergii to the point that one member, Nassinguerra,was appointed rector and administrator of the patriarch’s possessions in the neighbourhood of the city - and thus was created the basis of the family’s power. This policy led Pula to war with Venice in 1242. In the peace treaty the city undertook to accept a Venetian citizen as its rector and not to rebuild the city walls without Venetian permission. Koper’s Expansion in the XHIth Century The situation in Istra was particularly tense in the second half of the 13th century when Gregorio Montelongo (1251-1269) became patriarch of Aquileia. The authority [37] A B rief History o f Istra of the patriarch was becoming weaker in the province, but it still had enough influence to determine political events in the cities. At first the patriarch favoured the role of Koper on the one hand against Trieste and on the other against the coastal towns further south and the villages of the interior o f the peninsula. Therefore he conceded to Koper in 1254 jurisdiction over Buje, Oportlje, Buzet and Dvigrado. In that same year Koper, at war with Trieste, conquered the territories of the episcopate of Trieste between Ospa and Rakitovca, inhabited mainly by Slovenians. Meanwhile Koper’s influence on Piran and Muggia was growing. The situation became articularly tense in 1267 when Koper laid siege to Porec. The fact that the patriarch attempted to stop Koper’s expansion by seeking the help o f Alberto count of Gorizia indicates that the situation had got out of his control. However, his action turned out to be the wrong move since he lined up two powers against each other—both of which were inimical to himself. The Count of Gorizia and the Commune of Koper formed an alliance against the patriarch and in June 1267 the count had Gregorio Montelongo shut away in the convent of Rosazo in Friuli. Faced with this new alliance, Porec tried to protect herself by submitting to Venice on 27 June. As the alliance between Koper and the count of Gorizia was feared by other Istran towns, the example of Porec was followed by Umag (1269), Novigrad (1270), San Lorenzo (1271) and later also Motovun (1275). Venice did not alter anything as far as municipal authority was concerned, except that the podesti of the cities were selected from amongst Venetian nobles. The Serenissima did not decide to take immediate action to confront the alliance between Koper and the Count of Gorizia, but preferred to gradually tighten a vice around them. Meanwhile the seat of the Patriarch of Aquileia was vacant from 1267 to 1274 and it was not until 1275 that the new patriarch Raimondo Torre signed a treaty with the allies, Koper and the Count of Gorizia, at Cividale. Those concerned promised to exchange prisoners and to settle the damages caused between 1267 and 1275, during the years of war, pillage and disorder. The Venetian Conquest of the Cities of Northern Istra Peace did not bring to an end the presence of the alliance of Koper and Gorizia in Istra. A t Pazin in 1278 Count Alberto and representatives from Koper, in the absence of the patriarch but in his name, made an alliance against Venice and her Istran allies. They agreed the allocation o f their sphere of influence, by which, in the event of victory, Koper would be given the control of the coastal towns, whilst the count would obtain the possessions in the interior of Istra. The allies took advantage of the [38] The Middle Ages fact that Venice was engaged in the war against Ancona and after the siege of Motovun, which was valiantly defended, the count occupied San Lorenzo. Then Venice struck with all her might. After the siege of Izola, crowned with success, they forced Koper to unconditional surrender. The city walls and towers were partly demolished. In spite of the fact that it had conquered Koper militarily, Venice treated it in the same way as other Istran towns which had ‘submitted’ to her. In January 1283 the ‘surrender’ o f Piran too was received by the Venetian Maggior Consiglio. This represented not only the definite end of the alliance between Koper and the count o f Gorizia, but also the final erosion of the political autonomy of Istran towns— with only Pula, Trieste and Muggia preserving it— even though many attempts to regain autonomy occurred in later periods. The Istran War Peace had not yet come to Istra. At M uggia in March 1283 the count of Gorizia and the patriarch of Aquileia made an alliance joined also by Padua, Treviso and Trieste. On this occasion all the Istran towns that had submitted to Venice sided with her, including Koper where the party o f the patriarch was still active. In this war, which Venice conducted mostly against the sea power of Trieste, Koper played an important role since the town was the seat of the Capitaneus Istriae, representing the embryo of the future military government which was centralised in Istra. The war lasted, with an interruption between 1285 and 1287, until the end of 1291 when a truce was agreed. In the war, beside the coastal towns from Muggia to the Limski Channel, Venice conquered Antignana, a property of the patriarch in the interior of the peninsula, the area surrounding San Pietro in Selve, the castle of Groznjan, property o f the feudatory Pietrapelosa, whilst voluntary surrenders were received from Dvigrad, Buje and Muggia (definitively only in 1420). As reparation for war damage, the patriarch renounced his rights in the lost towns de facto only in 1307 and de jure even later, in 1420. The war left behind it great devastation and misery. Venetian Rule Although Venice let the individual cities it conquered have internal autonomy with a citizens’ council headed by a Venetian podesta, from a military point of view it established as early as 1301 the provincial captaincy (Capitano del Pasenatico), located first in Porec and then, from 1304, at San Lorenzo in Pasenatico. Some historians, misled by the term, have assumed that the captain was responsible only for territories outside cities. Even though the cities had instituted the administrative [39] A B rief History o f Istra and judiciary structures within the ambit of their independent government, from a military point of view the p o d esta of the Istran cities were subordinates of the provincial captain, who also watched over the defensive system of the province. His duties included the training of military units (with the exception of Koper’s) and regular tours of inspection of the province, during which he authorised inquiries, held trials and issued sentences. Often he also decided appeal applications in the second degree. Until 1584 it was possible to make further appeals against these decisions only in Venice. In that year an Appeal Tribunal (Magistrato) was instituted in Koper for Venetian Istra and for the islands o f Cres and Losinj which had been under Venetian rule (except between 1358 and 1409 when they were under the Hungarian Crown) from 1145. The appeal tribunal o f Koper was of fundamental importance in the transformation of Koper into the real chief town of the province - although Venice had previously on many occasions affirmed that it was its ‘principal lim b’ there, ‘Civitas Iustinopolis est principale membrum quod habemus in ¡stria'. The Duties of the Cities Towards La Serenissima The centralised military government did not apply to the territory of Koper as far as the Dragon, therefore neither to Izola or to Piran— a territory which from a military and judiciary point of view was within the jurisdiction of the Podesta and Captain of Koper, where this title was preserved for the Rector up to the fall of the Republic of Venice. Koper was also the seat of the Consigliere or Cameriere for Istra, who mainly looked after military finances. W ith the exception of Koper, which maintained a military garrison on its own, all other cities of Venetian Istra had to contribute to the provincial army 88 armed and mounted soldiers. As there was not a sufficient number of trained men in the province and since the law had up to then lim ited the enlistm ent of armed men, this contribution was changed into one of money instead, ie 40 grossi for each armed and mounted man. Venetian rule over Istra showed itself also in the so-called carratada, that is to say a tribute in goods and services by owners of oxen, who every year had to produce for the Venetian Arsenal, free of charge, two and a half tratte of timber for each head of cattle they had. 7171 oxen were counted in Istra in 1542, but since the compulsory contribution represented a heavy burden, the owners began to sell the animals— which proved disastrous for the agriculture of the province. Therefore Venice changed the tribute to a poll tax levied equally on all the inhabitants of the villages. Istrans were in addition burdened with the duty, which went back to the 12th century, of providing [40] The Middle Ages for the maintenance o f ships used at first against enemies within the Adriatic and later mostly to stop contraband by sea. Even though Venice appeared to dominate the Istran cities which had submitted to her, they gave Venice two far from insignificant doges (Pietro Tradonico in 836 and Pietro Polani in 1130) and ninety-one noble families. Koper, castle (1278) The Administration of the Cities The Venetian podesta in the cities and in the terre (minor administrative units which did not have episcopal seats, but which had the right to independent government and hence to a podesta) governed on the basis of commissions of the Venetian senate and of the individual city statute which Venice, after the submission o f the cities, generally made to conform to its own legislation. According to sources known up to now, the first statute of which there is knowledge is that of Koper from 1239, whilst amongst those that have been preserved the oldest statute is that of Piran from 1274, held at VArchivio regionale di Capodistria.. This is certainly the most ancient in Slovenia, and on the east coast of the Adriatic it is second only to that of Dubrovnik. The length of the term of office of a podesta varied between 16 months (in Koper) to 32 months (in Motovun). [41] A B rief History o f Istra On the Venetian model, the aristocratic regime of the cities concentrated power in the hands of a few influential and wealthy families, eliminating the possibility of any influence from the populace. The result was an oligarchic power represented by the families of the nobility. This oligarchy was to some extent restricted by Venice, because on the one hand it allowed the cities to have an independent government with a citizens’ Council headed by an elected rector, and on the other it had established a centralised military government. In this way Venice exploited to the full the traditional conflicts amongst the cities and kept a brake on the province on the occasions of the revolts which occurred above all because of the restrictions she imposed on sea trade. Nevertheless in 1348 Venice did not succeed in preventing the uprising of Koper, which was amply helped by the German feudal lords of the hinterland, headed by the Hapsburgs, by the counts of Gorizia and their Richemberg vassals. Having quelled the revolt, Koper suffered the consequences, which were very serious: Venice took away from the city its autonomy, suspending till 1394 the communal statute and only in 1403, with the restructuring of the M ajor Council, were communal rights returned to Koper. In 1423 the city was given a new statute, conforming completely to the needs of Venice, which did not contain regulations on the subject of penal justice. For those crimes, Venetian penal law applied directly. In the south of the peninsula the Sergi family were able still to steer between the spheres of interest of Venice, of the counts of Gorizia and of the patriarchs of Piran (G. Caprin, L ’lstria nobilissima ...) The Middle Ages Aquileia who had ceded to the family the city castle, the Castrum Pulae, hence the familiar family name of ‘Castropola’. Pula was turned into a fief of the family, however, when later the Castropolas let themselves be caught up in the conflicts with Venice (1318-19) and in the war with the counts of Gorizia (1331), their enemies rebelled and delivered Pula to the Serenissima who installed her rector therewith the title of Count. At the same time Venice conquered also Rovinj and Bale, so that it had in its power the whole south-west part of the peninsula. From then on Venetian conquest was to be directed towards the interior of the peninsula. In 1358 the provincial captaincy was divided into two military garrisons, the first with headquarters at San Lorenzo, for the territory south of the M ima, and the second Koper: the arrival of the Venetian podestii Contarini (XVIth century) [43] A B rief History o f Istra with headquarters at Groznjan, for the territory between the M ima and the Dragon— while the podesta o f Koper kept all his previous responsibilities. W hen Venice conquered Raspor above Buzet, both the captaincies were united in this locality. Even though the castle of Raspor was destroyed during the Austro-Venetian war and the headquarters of the captaincy were transferred to Buzet, the officer in charge kept the title o f Captain o f Raspor. The End of the Power of the Patriarchs over Istra, and their Admin* istrative Heritage The last of the Venetian conquests in Istra was that which followed the war with the Hungarian King Sigmund of Luxembourg. Venice had already engaged in a strenuous struggle with his predecessor over possessions in Dalmatia and Istra, to which Genoa was also a party as an ally o f the Hungarian king. The Genoese, who had been fighting Venice since 1259 for supremacy in sea trade, attacked and devastated Koper not once but twice in 1380. They plundered, amongst other things, the sacred relics, the worst punishment that could be inflicted on a medieval city (they returned them in 1423), and in addition a fire in the archives destroyed the documentation of the office of the Visdom ini, extremely important for the history of the whole of Istra. As on that occasion the patriarch of Aquileia had also sided with the enemy in 1420 Venice stripped him o f all his possessions in Istra, namely Muggia, Labin, Plomin, Oprtalj, Buzet, Roč, Hum/Colmo and, lastly, the castle of Pietrapelosa near Buzet, which had for long been the Istran residence o f the patriarchs of Aquileia, fell after sustained attack. After this the Venetian Senate appointed the podesta in cities with episcopal seats (Koper, Novigrad, Poreč and Pula) as well as in the following towns and terre: Bale, Buje, Buzet, Groznjan, Izola, Labin-Plomin, Milje, Motovun, Oprtalj, Piran. R ovinj, Sv. Lovrenc, Umag and V odnjan. Fiefs w ere form ed as specific administrative units which had their own administration of justice: Dvigrad (fief of Koper), Završje (Contarini), Vižinada (Grimani), Pietrapelosa (Gravisi), Momjan (Rotta), Račiče (Boltristan or Walterstein), Svetvinčenat (Grimani) and Rakalj with Barbano (Loredan). In the 17th century the additional fief of Fontana was formed near Vrsar, a possession of the counts Borisi from Koper. The lower range o f administrative units, the castles (more numerous in the territory o f Buzet, as many as 11: Roč, Hum, Draguč, Vrh ....) and the villages, had their specific administrative structures, inherited from as far back as the times of the patriarchs o f Aquileia. At the head o f the castles was the Zupan elected by the [44] The Middle Ages Commune, assisted by 12 councillors, while in the villages he was assisted by two judges. Both in the feudal and communal possessions one of the minor posts was that of the sbirro (chief o f police). In the middle of the 14th century Koper had 17 sbirri for the collection of taxes in the district. Many of them, as shown by the archives in piran, originated from Kranj (Camiola). Both administratively and economically the villages were subordinated to the cities, in the same way as the Istran cities in turn were subordinated to Venice. The County of Pazin and the Fief on the Kvarner By 1374 the County o f Pazin, formed in 1342, had been received in feud by the Habsburgs with a contract o f succession. The same also happened in 1466 with the possessions in the north east of the peninsula, formerly held by the Duino family but at the time owned by the Walsees who had received in feud the lands between Brsca and Rijeka after the extinction of the house of the Duinati in 1399. While in the western part of Istra city communes were developing and colonial relations were becoming more important, in the County of Pazin nobles and clergy did not have enough political power to establish independent administrative units. In Austrian Istra the feudal relationships were in large measure preserved. An urban population was practically non-existent, and as a consequence the towns (for example Pazin and Picen)— whose administrative structure differed considerably from that of the coastal towns and was more like that of towns in inland Slovenia— did not have administrative autonomy. Already in the mid-14th century the County of Pazin was part of Kranj; however it enjoyed administrative and judicial autonomy till the reign of the emperor Leopold II (1790-1792). All the power was in the hands of the feudal lord, or more exactly of the captain who as the representative of the feudal authority resided in Pazin. This holder of the feud was flanked by a judge, whose jurisdiction also included the territories around Rasa, although they constituted feuds on their own inside the County (possessions o f Lupoglav, Kosljak, Paz, Belaj, Čepic and Krsan). in 1578 the new assessment called the urbario was introduced, with increased taxes, and its introduction caused a general uprising, which ended badly for the peasants. For centuries the Paleoslav liturgy was preserved here. It was written down in glagolitic characters, ju st as it was in the Kvarner territory and in various parts of Venetian Istra. M ost of the priests too belonged to the glagolitic culture, and in the second half of the 16th century they accepted the new ideas for the reform of the Church and began to spread Protestantism in Slovenia and Croatia. [45] A B rief History o f Istra A specific captaincy existed for the territory of Zavrsj e/Piemonte, until the city came under Venetian control (1509). In the fief of the Kvamer too the captain was the representative of the feudal lord. His seat was at Kastav. Together with his council of judges, he gave judgem ent in the most serious cases and formed the court to which appeals following other trials by judges were made. Pazin The feud of Kastav was placed under the lord of Rijeka in 1474, but in 1583 it regained its independence. Then all the captaincy became part of Kranj, even though Kastav was already a part o f it earlier. The situation in the captaincy deteriorated when the Jesuit college of Rijeka took possession of it (1630) and wanted to impose its authority by force. The old statute of Kastav was abolished with the imperial decree of 1635. Some unrest took place (1638), but on the basis of the decree a new statute was adopted (1640), in accordance with which the rector of the college of Rijeka became the overlord of the captaincy, with the right to appoint not only the captain but also both of the judges of Kastav. In 1661, however, the inhabitants of Kastav succeeded in obtaining from the government of Austria Interna a decree which, while in general confirming the preceding position, gave the Commune the right to elect one of the judges, while the other continued to be appointed by the rector of the college. [46] The Middle Ages The Autonomous Commune of Trieste As a result of repeated sieges by the Venetians, in 1382 Trieste definitively delivered herself to the House of Austria— to acquire, slowly but tenaciously, ever increasing importance in the subsequent centuries o f Habsburg rule. Unlike the cities of Venetian Istra, Trieste had two types o f magnates, the patricians and the nobles, while the third rank as in other cities was made up of the ordinary people (the plebs). The patricians were the ancient Triestine nobility, made up of thirteen families to whom members of no other families could be added. The nobles were the new nobility. Both together formed the M aggior Consiglio (Great Council) of 180 members. From amongst these were elected the 40 representatives of the Lesser Council, the M inor Consiglio (in Venetian Istra minor localities did not have a Minor Consiglio but only a council of citizens, whilst in the larger cities the number of members of the Minor Consiglio was smaller). The latter had executive functions, while the Maggior Consiglio was the legislative body. The Triestini elected their podesta in the M aggior Consiglio and entrusted him with the administration of civil and penal law. As in other coastal cities, in Trieste also various officials took part in the government: judges, syndics, executioners, valuers, supervisors of roads, chiefs o f localities, attorneys, chiefs of police (sbirri), together with the functionaries o f various public institutions {Fontico, Monte di Pieta), doctors, surgeons (barbieri), teachers and others. The people participated in government with the Chancellor of the communal Palazzo and with the six heads of city wards. In 1350 the statutes of the city statute were drawn up on the basis of some earlier laws. The Triestini did not at first enjoy particular privileges under the Habsburgs, even though the sea offered excellent possibilities for commerce. Therefore Trieste began its own aggressive commercial policy with its hinterland, compelling the merchants - often in bullying ways - to bring their goods through the city, resulting in many quarrels, conflicts and wars with the cities of Venetian Istra. The situation got worse in 1427 when Trieste bought from the count of Gorizia, for 2000 ducats, Novigrad on the Karst from where it could garrison without difficulty the roads that led to the coastal towns. For this reason in 1463 a war started between Trieste and Koper, or Venice, in which, in the absence of the German duke Frederick V (later to become the Emperor Frederic III), the Pope himself, Pius II, formerly the bishop of Trieste Enea Silvio Piccolomini, intervened on behalf of Trieste when the city was already on her knees. [47] A B rief History o f Istra The Habsburgs did not alter the city’s constitution, except for appointing a captain to the highest office in the city in place of the podestà, and for giving him, besides the administrative and judicial functions of a podestà, military responsibilities ; in addition. Trieste enjoyed greater independence than the cities of Venetian Istra, since the city’s M aggior Consiglio appointed two judges and the Rector, as well as other city public officials who in the Venetian cities were appointed by the Venetian podestà. The city officials in Trieste were engaged not only in general administration ! [48] The Middle Ages but also in economic management. Civil and penal justice was entrusted to the vicario, the penal judge. This magistrature of the first and to some extent the second degrees (civic court of appeal), and also all the administrative tribunals, were under the central power of Austria Interna. Autonomy began to decline only with the institution of a royal Tribunal o f Exchange and Commerce (1722), soon followed by the Commercial Management fo r the Austrian Coast (1731, renewed in 1748) and with extensive reforms in the city statutes. The first wave of the Empress Maria Teresa’s reforms did not bring about in Trieste anything like the profound changes that it did in other Austrian provinces. However Trieste too was gradually included in the provincial administrative system, as a result of which the civic administration developed into the city magistrature typical of other Austrian cities. [49] THE M ODERN ERA The Last Territorial Modifications Under Venice The war with the league of Cambrai (the Pope, Spain, France and others) and with Austria from 1508 to 1516 resulted in the last territorial modifications, of a minor nature, before the fall of the Republic of Venice (1797). Venice obtained the German enclaves present in her territory, Hrastovlje/Cristoglie, Zavrsje, Drague and Barban, while she had to cede Črni Kal and, in addition Socerb, Mokovo, and Podgrad, conquered in 1463 as result of the war with Trieste. * > I. •r Extract from the records relating to the settling of boundaries after the Austro-Venetian war of the XVIth century (Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Prov. alia camera dei confini, b. 232 f. 102v) [51] A B rief History o f Istra With the peace o f Trento in 1535 a border was drawn, along which in subsequent centuries, because of continuous political attritions between two great European powers, Venice and Austria, confrontations occurred over bits of land no bigger than a handkerchief, or trees that had been felled or the village bog, and over every border stone, stolen sheep or torched field. Istrans on either side of the border, who spoke the same language, and traded and intermarried, became the object of subterfuge and political intrigue provoked by government ideologies which were to them completely incomprehensible. War and Peace However, there were also times of concord, especially in the matter of defence against the mutual enemy - the Turks. Their incursions began to strike the peninsula more heavily in the last decades of the 15th century. Those times represented a hard test not only for the inhabitants, but also for the states which shared the Istran peninsula. They became aware o f this early and they often they organised a common defence of the region, in particular by exchanging information and by reinforcing the garrisons along the main roads. Though this route would have taken the Turks mainly through the Istran Karst and straight towards the rich Friuli, they became attracted also by the minor communities of the Istran countryside. They did not succeed in getting to the coastal cities, thanks to the good organisation of defences in the countryside, which however had to submit to all the horrors o f their devastations. There is still today much evidence of the Turkish period, like the city walls around Piran, while the suffering they caused was depicted in 1490 in the frescoes o f the church of Hrastovlje. The unity of the inhabitants of the border areas was also evident in the case of military recruiting which was carried out by the authorities on both sides of the frontier. Young men who did not want to serve in military units (cernide) locally or elsewhere often avoided this unpleasant duty by taking refuge in the territory of the neighbouring State, where they found hospitality till the ‘danger’ had passed. Inhabitants along the border were obliged more than once to offer hospitality also to various refugees and criminals who were trying to escape the arm of the law. Co operation amongst the border people extended also to times of pestilence, which often devastated the countryside. The Economic Situation in Venetian Istra The Istrans without doubt drew the greatest advantages from their collaboration with others in commerce. Capital derived from trade by sea and overland made its first The Modem Era appearance in the cities as early as the start of the 13th century. Various lenders, Jewish and Florentine, appeared with available funds which they invested mainly in maritime commerce. Several maritime trading corporations were established and those which invested in the trade divided both the gains and the losses. Already prior to the Venetian conquest sea trade was heavily monopolised. After the conquest it was regulated on two levels: that of imports and that of exports. For exports two rules applied: sea trade was arranged through the so-called commissioni of the Venetian Senate, whilst overland commerce was regulated through the statutes of the individual cities. The extraordinary inconsistency o f Venetian regulations showed itself for example even in the case of the most important item of Istran export: wine. This was produced in the whole of the province; however, its exportation to Venice was forbidden—unless accompanied by a special permit from the podesta which always entailed very heavy customs duties. Again, Istrans were at liberty to sell fresh fish anywhere, but their whole production o f salted fish had to be sent to Venice. Thus Venice ensured it had plenty o f victuals at a low price. In agriculture, cultivation with biennial rotation of crops predominated. The agrarian economy was, apart from viticulture, tied to the growing of olives. Grain was insufficient and had to be imported for the best part of the year. The most fertile lands were chiefly worked by coloni, but their dependence on the land owners varied. In the lands surrounding the cities ‘crop sharing’ (mezzadria,) predominated; alongside this it was also common for land to be rented at an agreed price, as well as through the so-called ‘livelo” that is the rental of land where the payment in cash or kind was established on the basis o f the annual production, or sometimes on the basis of a fixed amount. The living conditions o f the co lo n i started to deteriorate in the period of economic stagnation and of the abandonment and depopulation of the countryside, that is, from the middle o f the 16th century onwards. Although they were free men from a legal and formal point of view, the coloni could rarely choose a new landlord or leave the land that they had received. Even the new inhabitants, brought to Istra from Dalmatia by the Venetian authorities in the 16th and 17th centuries, in the majority of cases ended up as coloni and only a small number settled as free peasants. For various reasons to be discussed later, amongst other things because of infectious diseases, from the mid-16th century onwards the exodus from the Istran countryside kept growing, but a population decline was evident also in the cities. The number of workers on the land was dropping sharply and the Venetian authorities, in [53] A B rief History o f Istra an attempt to remedy the situation, intervened declaring all abandoned lands to be state property (1556) and began to settle on them emigrants and refugees from Dalmatia and other Balkan provinces. A specific office of Provveditore was then established, the Provveditore sopra beni inculti, who every two years distributed abandoned land to immigrants. This situation continued until the middle of thel7th century. The measures taken resulted in a slow recovery of agriculture, but in some areas the raising o f animals assumed too much importance compared with the cultivation of the fields. Animal raising was traditionally dominated by small animals. Contracts of partnership (socida) based on a determined period (2-5 years) were frequent between the owners and the tenants, generally for raising small animals, cattle, pigs and bees. M ost of the time the owner and the tenant shared equally the initial stock as well as the newly-bred animals, but this was not a fixed rule. The Venetian coastal towns (principally Koper, followed by Piran, Muggia and others) had available many products from overseas brought there by Venetian merchants and others, but local products such as olive oil, wine and salt were also much appreciated. All this merchandise attracted the neighbouring merchants from the areas o f Istra and Kranj. From the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 17th century, these peasant-carriers, using animals (m ussolati) or carrying the goods themselves (spalanti), brought to city markets their products: grain, dried meat, skins, wood, metals - briefly all that was in demand in the Istran towns, and not only there, as these products often continued their journey towards the other side of the Adriatic. After reaching a peak at the end of the 15th century, such commercial traffic suffered a large decrease during and after the so-called ‘War with the Uscocchi’ or ‘War for Gradisko’, when the Republic of Venice and Austria clashed in order to achieve freedom of transit through mainland commercial routes in the case of Venice, and freedom of transit through commercial sea routes in the case of Austria. The reduction in traffic was due in part to the savage devastation between 1615 and 1617, when the adversaries did not spare each other, in part due to an Austrian attempt, at times using force, to favour the commercial routes that passed through Trieste, as well as to the decline of Venetian power. Commerce and the Spheres of Influence of the Great Powers Venice and the Habsburgs clashed soon after becoming neighbours in the 14th century. The background of these quarrels was formed mainly by commercial interests, in particular that of free circulation on the mainland, which was of interest The Modem Era Mussolati in a storm (J.V. Valvasor) to Venice, and the free navigation of the Adriatic, which was the aim of the Habsburgs. Almost all the wars and major clashes between the two rival powers in the upper Adriatic had this backdrop, including their last conflict on Istran soil at the beginning of the 17th century, as mentioned above. Dating from at least the victory over the pirates from Croatia and the Narenta region at the start of the second millennium, Venice had considered the Adriatic as its property— so much so that it was simply referred to as the G ulf of Venice. She exercised a rigid monopoly on the commercial maritime policy of the Istran towns, laying down that their merchandise should almost exclusively be carried on Venetian ships and to her market. In this way she was able to apply an unusual customs duty. All the goods which left Adriatic ports had to make Venice the first port of call and only if they could not find buyers amongst the Venetian merchants were the owners [55] A B rief History o f Istra given a special permit to take their goods for sale elsewhere. Similarly, all goods that originated from outside the Adriatic had to be taken to Venice first for the same routine. Foreign merchants were obliged to spend the profits which they had realised in Venice on the Venetian market, not in the places they came from. Ships could not set sail from Trieste, for example, without first having paid taxes to the podesta and captain of Koper. On the other hand the Austrians, by customs duties along the borders and later by having recourse to force with the groups of so-called liberaiteri (from JJeberreiter, superior knight), made all continental trade flow into the city of Trieste which had available products which were in demand, wine, oil, and salt, although at prices slightly higher than in the Venetian cities. Because of this, smuggling was rife, both on the sea and on the mainland, as has been excellently described in a Slovenian account of the character of Martin Krpan. From an economic and political point of view, the most important development took place in 1719, when Trieste became a duty-free port, tipping the scales entirely in favour of Austria and having a decisive influence on the development of the Istran cities under Venice. From then on Trieste rapidly transformed itself into one of the more important central European ports and, with an incredibly fast demographic growth, it also occupied a prominent place amongst the European metropolises of the time. The Ethnographic Aspect of Istra in the XVIIth Century Prospero Petronio, a Piranese according to some and a citizen of Koper/Capodistria according to others, wrote in 1681 an interesting description of the peoples who lived in the province. In this he follow ed in the footsteps of Tomasini, bishop of Novigrad— that great student of things Istran who preceded him by 50 years. The first, and the most numerous people were the Slovani, ‘schiavi whom others call S la v s’, who had come to Dalmatia or Schiavonia from what had formerly been Illyria: ‘strong people fit for hard work’. They lived in all parts of the peninsula, so that the Slav language had become known to all and in many villages people did not know Italian at all. Peasants and farmers for the most part, they lived in the villages and in the countryside. The second most numerous people were the Kami: artisans who spun wool and wove clothes for common people, but were also tailors, blacksmiths, shoemakers, stonemasons— in general employed in manual work. They were full of good sense and thrifty, so that in a short time many of them succeeded in bettering their material [56] The Modem E m condition or even became rich. They were of pleasant appearance and their positive traits made them very useful to the province. They lived in the larger villages, in the castles and in the terre, but they had not arrived in the province before the Slavs. Similar to the Karni, whom many referred to as C argnelli or K arnjelli, were the Friulans whose native land was not far away. Many Friulans settled for brief periods on the farms, on the terre or on single properties, where they worked for the season and afterwards returned home with their earnings. The third group (generatione) was from Gradeza. They were bom fishermen, very knowledgeable about the sea and navigation. They lived on the coast, at Umag, Novigrad, Poreč, Vrsar and wherever one could trade in fish and other products with nearby Venice. Simple people, of few words, they spoke a language similar to the ancient Venetian dialect. They were not inclined to be talkative and did not boast about their achievements on the sea. M any of them had become wealthy through commerce, they had bought properties in the country, they had mixed with the indigenous population and become citizens of the larger cities. For example out of 25 families in Novigrad, as many as 12 had come from Gradeza. The fourth group were the new inhabitants, who had come from Albania and from other regions occupied by the Turks. Venice brought them willingly to the province. For over a century they had been subjects of the Captain of Raspor, except for those in the territory of Pula who like the old residents were under the jurisdiction of the Provost and therefore were not dependent on the dispositions of the rectors of single town or castle. Finally there was the indigenous population whose origins, because of numerous epidemics and wars, did not normally go back beyond 200 years. Therefore one could also treat as indigenous the Florentine, Bergamesque, Venetian and other immigrants who had quickly become acclimatised here. During the last war with the Turks (known as the W ar of Crete 1645-1668) many Morlacchi (the name given to the nomads indigenous to the Balkan peninsula, of Latin origin but later Slavs by adoption) came to Istra. The Venetians had brought them to Istra from Dalmatia and from Albania (the Monténégrine coast was then part of Albania) They were prone to thieving and burglaries and caused disturbances, but with the passing of time they calmed down (or so Prospero Petronio tells us). Fragments of Istran Ethnology The rapid cultural growth in the cities did not for a long time, however, find a similar counterpart in the countryside where, in spite of the numerous migratory flows, the [57] A B rief History o f Istra Istrans preserved unchanged through the centuries above all their ethnological characteristics. In part this depended on the psychological characteristics of the old inhabitants who called the new arrivals foresti ( ‘outsiders’) and in this way kept them away from im portant events, forcing them to accept even more promptly the traditional usages and customs. To this unitary ethnological outlook the civic statutes which legalised some of the accepted usages contributed in large measure, as for instance that concerning ‘marriage Istran style’ that is as ‘brother and sister’ (utfrater et soror), in the sense that each married partner owned an equal share of their common property. This custom is supported in almost all civic statutes, whilst the agrarian law, cited only in the Capodistrian statutes, was, according to general opinion, valid at least in the countryside of Venetian Istra. O f course many usages and customs were preserved only in specific areas, as happened for example with popular costumes and with the dialects, differing from one community to another, but other customs and superstitions of pagan origin were deeply rooted in the Istran people. As established by M. Tomsic in his literary works, Istrans share many magical stories, first amongst which are stories about sorcerers, witches and werewolves. The criminal trial against sorcerers and witches held in the environs of Kastav as late as 1716 says much about their resilience and at the same time about the persistence of the prosecutors. A colourful description of such beliefs was given by J. V. Valvasor in his book Slava vojvodine Kranjske (1689): The people o f the Istran countryside are firm ly convinced that sorcerers suck the blood o f children. This sucker o f blood they call ‘strigon’ or ‘vedavec’. They believe that after his death a ‘strigon ’ wanders about the village around midnight, knocking at, or striking, doors and that someone will die within days in the house whose doors he has struck. And if someone dies during this period, the peasants insist that the ‘strigon ’ has eaten him. Even worse is the belief o f these gullible peasants that the wandering ‘strigoni’furtively creep into their beds and sleep with their wives without ever letting out a single word. I am particularly concerned about the belief that flesh-andblood ghosts somehow sneak into the houses and sleep with widows, particularly if they are still young and beautiful. They are so convinced o f the truth o f all this, that fe a r will not leave them till they can impale the ‘strigon ’ with a pole fro m an ash-tree. With this in mind the bravest, determ ined to do it, w ait until after m idnight because before then the ‘strig o n ’ is not in the grave but wanders about. Then they go to the [58] The Modem Era cemetery, open the grave and drive the pole, thick as a fis t or a hand, through his belly, disfiguring him horribly. The blood now starts to flow and the body thrashes about as though it were alive and fe lt the pain. Then they close the coffin , bury it once again and go home. This practice, o f opening a coffin and piercing the corpse with a pole, is not unusual amongst the Istrans o f the countryside, that is to say amongst the peasants. Although the authorities impose very severe penalties i f they discover it, since it is against religious beliefs, nevertheless it takes place very fre q u e n tly..... Istran Costumes (J.V. Valvasor) [59] A B rief History o f Istra The Historical Background to the Ethnographic Perspective Famines and wars were constants in the demographic changes in Istra. During the migration o f peoples late in the ancient period, many populations in the course of their movements towards Italy had devastated above all the areas of the Karst. After the situation calmed down the Slovenians gradually settled in those areas (the Slav tombs discovered near Buzet and at Predlok are from the 9th-10th centuries), whilst the ancestors of the Croatians, who came from east of the Balkans, settled in the environs o f Zminj. The Slav presence in the Karstic interior of Istra in the 11th century is attested by the toponyms Cemogradus and Bellogradus (1102) and, in the Pazin area, by the toponym Gologorica, while in 1030 the road which went from Pazin to Poreč was called ‘Via Sclava’ (and ‘Via Sclavorum’ in 1158). This did not mean that Slavs lived along the road, but that they used it to come to the town for trade. So in Pula in 1145 there were persons named Petrus Sclavus and Petrus Sclavus cum Arpo filio suo (1149), at M uggia in 1202 A. deStoica, Radius, J. Sclavo and others, at Piran in 1222 M enesclavus, and so on. In 1234 the village o f Lonjer near Trieste is mentioned as ‘Villa Sclavorum’. The earliest compact territory populated by Slavs was undoubtedly the territory within the bishopric of Trieste from Ospa to Rakitov— which in the middle of the 13th century was transferred to the jurisdiction of the Community of Capodistria. Significant from our point of view is the part of the statutes of Capodistria which were drawn up in the second half of the 13th century, where many toponyms appear w hich are derived from names o f plants or from the morphology o f the soil, characteristic of the more ancient colonisation, e.g. Gabrovica, Cmi Kal, Bezovica, Podpeč, Zanigrad and Rakitovec. A t the beginning of the 14th century, the Community of Capodistria issued a so-called agrarian law referring to peasants and/or Slavs (Sclauus vel Rusticus, Sclauus aut Rusticus), w hilst in 1349 the Venetian Senate appointed the rector of the contado of Capodistria as ‘Captain of the Slavs’ (capitaneus Sclavorum). This position continued to exist right up to the fall of the Republic of Venice. In the first half of the 14th century a remarkable and monumental document came into existence in the land of Istra. Referred to as the Istarski razvod or Reambulazione istriana, it had great political and linguistic significance. It saw the light chiefly as an act o f demarcation of the borders in the interior o f Istra between the masters of Istra at the time: the patriarch of Aquileia and the counts of Gorizia and Venice. It was drawn up in Latin, German and Croatian (glagolitic). The authenticity of the Croatian text is in doubt, many historians affirming that it was not written until the 16th century, [60] ; j 1 : : ; j ! . : i i : The Modem Era (PnM*. h-Cok+r cVtiine jP fn a t i CPnrn t& JCla.ru c .a w • ctfttrjt- A m]?™* ¿ft*? J KM1A S A m ^ ^ 'A z i l n i '' MCPigrad^ h Z a yreJ ¿Ktftahxe. A ^ A_ «4 \ t h T Ce',nt*' ¿Rakxnrtt ’ ">. JCtuM'£ » "< O L .J tÇradm r^^ v _ OSntytat(8ut*r %*&?”■ <8uf+fo (Patrapdo^ah. (J^K *. Qngtÿ Çroinjictt&fa A , Xum ; .. 2t,mnÿe JSevfjpra ià JXCetcyunOi •** C& -Cupoghty Učka A <P,n j? (Patih Ô LECEHDA r ^ A ozeml«r(reraj-kaštet ’*...... : (Ù vas ^K\ * •* gr*d (K otljah. # “ : ryv*n>mitnai- I: g -- ... ^..-..lî ....... A vailca utrdba.stolp (kz*t«l) ... ben-eško-habsburška meja 1.1535 Defences of Koper and neighbourhood after 1535 (D. Darovec, drawn by A.Umek) a conclusion confirmed by the study o f M. Kos (1931), although this also proved that the text included older documents defining boundaries between various terrritories from the 13th century onwards. The numerous toponyms of the first half of the 14th century attest to the Slav and Romance presence with equal frequency in central Istra, although the remains of Histrian and German influences should also be noted. Therefore the Slav inhabitants from the 12th to the 15th centuries were gradually approaching the Istran coastal towns, which on the other hand were not entirely of a Romance character. In Labin, for instance, from the 13th to the 15th centuries the Croatian language predominated and only under Venetian rule did the Romance language again overtake it. [61] A B rief History o f Istra The first immigrants from the Balkan peninsula, fleeing the advancing Turks, arrived in Istra as early as the first half o f the 15th century. They were predominantly Romeni, nomads of Romance origin, indigenous to today’s Serbia, Herzegovina and Bosnia, and the so-called Morlacchi, Vlachs who had for the most part adopted Slav culture. Amongst them there were many Croatians, Dalmatians and Montenegrins, besides Albanians who, originating from a territory under Venetian rule, in earlier times had already held public offices in Istra, especially military ones. Amongst the inhabitants of Romance origin one should enumerate also the Cici who, at the beginning of the 16th century, settled in what today is Čičarija. Venetian sources describe them as extremely uncultivated people and they blame them for the destruction of forests, since their nomadic ways of raising animals (goats, sheep) destroyed the young plants and they used the wood they needed without any control and in excessive quantities. Besides they were so undisciplined that many times through pure carelessness they caused major fires in the forests. These unplanned migrations had a positive influence on the population density in the province (we should remember that in 1375 Istra was said to be ‘almost entirely depopulated’). The numerous epidemics of plague which from the middle of the 14th to the beginning of the 17th centuries struck Istra on the average every ten years with disastrous consequences, as well as wars and malaria continually reduced the Istran population. Even so, the indigenous population did not readily accept the newcomers. In the 16th century the city with the largest population in the territory between the Timav and the Kvarner was Koper. More precisely, towards the middle of the century it had between nine and ten thousand inhabitants, who however were reduced to only three thousand by the plague of 1553-1554. An even worse fate befell Pula, where the plague decimated the population, reducing it from 4000 to 600 inhabitants, w hilst o f the numerous villages of the district, 72 in all, only 12, with 2600 inhabitants, remained inhabited in the course of this century. Trieste, Novigrad and Poreč also suffered in the same way. The Venetian authorities attempted, by bringing in colonists, to put an end to the demographic crisis in Istra, which because of desertion and depopulation was threatening the remaining inhabitants with other diseases, with malaria topping the list. M alaria was also spreading in Istra because of climatic conditions which had altered due to an increase in the land surface covered by swamps and a higher level of waters in rivers. Indeed it was malaria which struck a m ajor blow to the first colonists who came from the environs of Padua and Treviso and from Friuli. Only after the M agistrature of Abandoned Properties (Magistrato dei beni inculti) was [62] The Modem Era Anno prerom. V sec. XIII sec Istria Istria veneta Contea di Pisino Trieste Capod. Pola 120.000 *500.000 130.000 5.000 1436 cca 9.000 1442 4.500 1519 6-7.000 1533 7-8.000 1548 10.000 1553/4 52.765 157,5 2.300 594 4.800 822 9.500 1583 cca 70.000 1601 46.500 8.000 1615 3.193 1623 2.380 1625 3.000 580 4.065 36.500 1631/2 1649 49.332 1652 1655 64.000 1669 50.000 1681 64.000 1717 1741 2.000 347 4.250 5.000 550 5.600 4.650 6-7.000 70.315 661 1758 6.400 1770 85.768 1773 5.225 1785 17.600 1799 27.300 1806 89.251 5.075 23.000 753 695 1816 **172.779 32.000 1846 228.035 80.300 926 5.500 1.126 Population of Istra and selected cities (* according to C. Combi ** including the islands of the Kvamer) established in Venice in 1566, and an attempt to settle colonists from Naples and Greece in the middle of the 16th century had failed, was a decision taken to have a planned colonisation by the so-called M orlacchi. In the V enetian sources the Morlacchi are described as a strong and tough folk, suited to military service, to service in the jails and other strenuous employment. By virtue of these qualities they [63] A B rief History o f Istra succeeded in acclimatising themselves in a short time in the region, where they had initially been given a number of concessions, both on the Austrian and the Venetian sides, such as exemptions from taxes for a period of 20 years. The new inhabitants were at first under the jurisdiction of the P rovveditore nell’Istria, whom in 1578 the Senate named Rector of the Magistrature of Abandoned Properties in Istra, stationed in Pula. After the office was abolished in 1592, the supervision o f the settlement o f new inhabitants in Venetian Istra was given to the Captain o f Raspor, although it seems that for the territory of Koper decisions on these matters were still the responsibility of the podesta and captain of Koper. Pula in 1633 [64] The Modem Era Side by side with these planned colonisations, from time to time various merchants also came to settle in Istra and, on a larger scale, soldiers from other European countries migrated here - Frenchmen, Spaniards, Italians, Hollanders, North Africans and others who served in Istra from the 15th century onwards. Even today, amongst the current inhabitants o f various localities, there is still preserved the consciousness o f their alien origins; for instance the surname Lazar di Popecchio highlights the Bohemian gipsy origin o f this family. The Istran peninsula entered the 18th century with instability in the relationships of its ethnic groups, to which must be added those on Prospero Petronio’s list. The new century was less turbulent as far as wars and human tragedy were concerned, but was exceptionally active in the cultural field. We could characterise it as a century of consolidation and identification. Istran men o f culture had already, during the Renaissance and later the Reformation and the Enlightenment, contributed to the general growth of the cultural and intellectual levels of a population which now, with the last changes at the end o f the 18th century so important to the ancient regimes, was about to enter the still more eventful 19th century. The Linguistic Aspect of Istra in the XVIIIth Century The complicated story of the colonisation of Istra resulted in a heterogeneous total of cultural influences and o f ethnic mutations. These led to the emergence of a difference between the ethnic and the linguistic consciousness of the Istran population. The immigrations o f o f the new inhabitants were not the only movements which took place, since in the interior of the peninsula also people moved to new locations drawn by economic advantages. Through the centuries o f Istran history the rule had worked that citizens could reach a higher social status, be more respected and better off, if they held some public office. By long occupation of the lower city positions, particularly military ones, or by going into commerce or handicrafts, those who came from the country to the cities became assimilated with the Romance city population, since in these jobs the Istro-romance language still predominated though waves of colonisation gradually replaced it with Venetian. The Istro-romance language, belonging to the Dalmaticoretoromance tongues, had practically disappeared by the end of the 19th century. Today Istriotsko is spoken (and written) by only a few people in Bale, Fazana, Galezan, Rovinj, Sisan and Vodnjan, whilst Slovenian and Croatian have become the carriers, in a genetic sense, o f the two most ancient but still living and predominating Istran [65] A B rief History o f Istra Glagolitic funerary inscription of 1582 {Istra in Slovensko primorje, 200) languages. In the countryside, where until the 18th century many migrants arrived also from the Italian regions, these two languages have completely taken over. The ethnico-historical results which are significant for modem times in Istra were being consolidated from the end of the 17th century onwards. In the 18th century, in the period of stabilisation at the regional level, they took the form of three linguistic communities: Croatian, Italian and Slovenian. Being part of one or other of these linguistic groups at that time did not yet imply any nationalistic consciousness, but rather social status. The gap between a linguistic consciousness and a nationalistic one was gradually narrowing in people’s minds, in line with the consolidation and reinforcement of the modern national consciousness starting from the end o f the 18th century and subsequently. In the Istran area only the 19th century (more exactly its last decades) represents the period of consolidation of the idea of an ethnic border founded on national awareness. Acknowledgement of this three-fold unity was strengthened by the recognition of the ethnic borders between Slovenians and Croatians, while the Italian population was scattered in cities of a traditional Romance character and in some separated country areas with Italian majorities. [66] The Middle Ages Administrative-Ecclesiastical Reforms at the Fall of the Republic of Venice While numerous administrative reforms were taking place in the Austrian provinces from the middle of the 18th century, Venetian Istra before the Napoleonic campaigns was affected only by the administrative-ecclesiastical reforms of the Emperor Joseph II. The emperor tried to make the ecclesiastical division conform to the administrative one, namely to the State frontiers. After the abolition o f the bishopric o f Pičan in 1788, its territory, with the outlying vicarage of Pazin (part of the diocese of Poreč), and the outlying vicarages of Kršan and Kastav (part of the diocese of Pula), were added to the diocese of Poreč. Muggia was transferred to the diocese of Koper and Umag to the diocese of Novigrad. The aim of these rearrangements was to extend the diocese of Trieste beyond Trieste itself to the whole o f Austrian Istra. The establishment of new borders for the diocese of Trieste continued in 1828, when the abolished diocese of Novigrad was assigned to the diocese of Trieste, and the diocese of Koper was added to it (hence from 1830 referred to as the Trieste-Koper diocese). The bishop’s seat of Koper had been vacant from 1810. In 1830 Buzet was once again assigned to the diocese of Trieste. [67] THE ERA OF BOURGEOIS REVOLUTIONS Istra at the Time of the Napoleonic Conquests The bourgeois French revolution and Napoleon, the product of it, led to radical changes in social life in many areas. A fter a few victories, some real and others imaginary, Napoleon consolidated his grip on power in France and began his military campaigns in Europe. His first targets o f some substance were the small Italian States, weak militarily but prosperous economically. With skilful diplomacy he succeeded in obtaining the consent of the Austrians with whom he had reached a secret accord at Leoben on 18 April 1797, allowing Austria to take Venetian Istra in the subsequent partitioning. W ith the peace treaty o f Campoformio, which also marked the downfall of the Republic o f Venice, Austrian jurisdiction over these lands was acknowledged. The First Austrian Period in Istra (1797-1805) The new rulers did not alter the existing administration, but limited themselves to transferring the power of the Venetian city rectors of the preceding period (podesta) to specific civic bodies which were first nominated and then elected. At Koper in 1797 a provisional government (magistrate) was created for the former Venetian Istra. At the head o f the magistrature there was a president who was, as in the Venetian epoch, also the president of the appeal tribunal. A great change was the fact that the new rulers had put on an equal footing the rights of the people and those of the nobles. Another important change was that carried out in the field of administrative divisions of the territory: many Venetian city communes, without alteration in their coverage, were aggregated into larger administrative units— the distretti. Until 1805 Istra had the following distretti: Koper, Piran, Porec, Rovinj, Pula, Labin and Buzet (where the first-degree tribunals were located). In 1803 the system of G ovem i was introduced for the third time in the provinces of A ustria Interna, w hilst in Trieste the jo in t Triestine-Istran government was established for the first time. Koper became the seat of the Istran district, while the seat of the court of appeal was transferred to Klagenfurt. Austrian Istra, also known as the county of Pazin, was included as a district commissariat in the district of Postojna and in the government o f Ljubljana, which comprised the provinces of Kranj and Gorizia. Istra as a part of the Kingdom of Italy The A ustro-French wars which followed had substantial consequences for the provinces, as Austria was compelled to make some territorial concessions. On the [69] A B rief History o f Istra Istra in the Illyrian Provinces in 1813 (J, ¿ontar, Manuali e carte 1989) basis of the peace treaty of Breslau (December 1805), the province of Trieste lost the territory of former Venetian Istra which was included in the Napoleonic Kingdom of Italy. In the framework of the provisional organisation of the territories of the former Venetian Istra a province by the same name was established headed by the civil magistrature o f Koper/Capodistria. Angelo Calafati became the president of the magistrature, that is of a kind of Istran government. He was a central figure in Istran political life in the period of great changes between the end of the 18th and the start of the 19th centuries. On the first of May the laws of the Kingdom of Italy came into effect in Istra and the Napoleonic Code (Code civile or Code Napoleon) was introduced, which brought about radical changes. The new authorities proclaimed that the administration and magistrature of the newly acquired territories of Venetian Istra would have to conform with those of the rest of the kingdom. This also invalidated the statutes of the Istran cities. The province of Istra became transformed into a department headed by a prefect [70] The Era o f Bourgeois Revolutions (Angelo Calafati), while the lower administrative units were the districts (of Koper and Rovinj with the border on the Limski Channel) headed by vice-prefects. The districts were broken down into smaller units called ‘circondari’ or cantons: Koper, Piran, Buzet, Poreč, Vodnjan, Rovinj and Labin. The cantons in turn were subdivided into communes. The head of each commune was the podesta, who was assisted by a special administrative council, while the head o f the rural cantons was the meriga. The district tribunals of the first degree were abolished and the civil and military tribunal of the first degree in Koper was given the responsibility of administering justice in the whole of Istra. In 1808 Napoleon raised Istra to the status of a duchy and Marshal Bessier was appointed as its Duke. The Province of Istra in the Illyrian Provinces (1809-1813) After the French victory at Wagram and the peace treaty of Schonbrunn, Austria lost the territories which Napoleon on the 14 October formed into the Illyrian Provinces centred on Ljubljana. In 1810 the Kingdom of Italy ceded the Department of Istra to the Illyrian Provinces and the Province of Istra was established with Trieste as its main centre. This comprised the territory o f the city of Trieste, part of the territory of Gorizia, the former Venetian Istra and, from 18 September 1811, the territory of Austrian Istra as well. The province was equated to departments in France and the superintendent (Angelo Calafati, at the start and end o f the Illyrian Provinces) had the same responsibilities as a French prefect. He was in charge of all fields of administration. Each province had an engineer for bridges and roads, an inspector of the register for taxes and of public properties, an inspector of mortgages, a director of the treasury, an inspector of forests, customs and lotteries. The lower administrative units were the districts headed by a vice-delegate. There were four districts in Istra: Gorizia, Trieste, Koper and Rovinj. In August 1813 Austria declared war on France, with the result that the Illyrian Provinces were conquered by them in the very first year, and after the Paris peace of 1814 Austrian power was reestablished, even though the organisational structure was not entirely identical to that which had existed before 1805 or 1809. Internal Conditions at the Time of the French Reforms The French to begin with gave all citizens equal rights; they set limits on the power of the church and dissolved numerous monasteries and confraternities, and soon after, together with their administrative reforms, they also brought into the province their [71] A B rief History o f Istra fiscal system. Notwithstanding the introduction of many freedoms, for instance tolerance of concubinage (de-facto marriages), and the discharge of some peasants’ obligations, they did not completely abolish the feudal system. The largest Istran city at the time was Rovinj with about 9000 inhabitants; it was, however, also the main centre of opposition to French rule. The Anglo-French clash spread to the Istran coast as well, causing serious damage to fishing, the shipping fleet and the economy in general. The English navy persistently attacked and disturbed with its guns the towns on the Istran west coast (Rovigno, Vrsar, Porec) and it supported piracy against the French. Brigandage too was a relevant factor in the life o f interior Istra. The governor-general o f the Illyrian Provinces, Marshall Marmont, wrote in his memoirs: ‘Lawlessness was so great and so widespread that the people o f southern Istra and Rovinj did not dare leave the towns without first paying the brigands a toll consistent with their wealth.’ The continued military campaigns required much money, livestock and soldiers and since all o f it had to be paid for by the population, discontent was growing amongst the people. When France was at war with the coalition of European States in 1813, the peasants o f central Istra joined the Austrian detachments engaged in fighting the French. Istra under Austrian rule (1813-1918) When the Illyrian Provinces were returned to Austria the name of Illyria was retained and, after a period o f provisional government, separate governments were recreated as organs of power in the provinces. The government located in Trieste covered the city and its surrounding area, Gorizia and Gradisca, the whole of Istra (the former Venetian and Austrian Istras), the islands of the Kvarner and—until 1822— Rijeka and civilian Croatia which in that year were included in the Austro-Hungarian Empire as part of the Habsburg monarchy. The provinces grouped administratively under the government of Trieste were referred to by the term ‘Littoral’; therefore the Triestine government was also called the Government of the Littoral, or the Austro-Illyrian Littoral. The Government of the Littoral consisted o f four lower levels of administrative units: that o f Istra, with its seat in Trieste (the natural continuation o f the gulf of Trieste up to Aquileia was also part of it), that of Rijeka (with the county of Pazin, the future district o f Podgrad and the islands o f the G ulf of Kvarner) and that of Gorizia. In 1816 Karlstadt was added to the Littoral as a further unit. After the transfer of Rijeka and civilian Croatia to Hungary in 1822, the unit of Pazin was formed from [72] The Era o f Bourgeois Revolutions what remained o f the Rijeka administration. However, by 1825 the government of the Littoral was reorganised into only two units: that of Istra with its seat in Pazin (which comprised former Venetian and Austrian Istra, the nearby Slovenian districts with Podgrad and the islands of the G ulf o f Kvamer) and that of Gorizia. Trieste and its environs as an administrative unit came under the direct control of the Royal Authority; hence it was outside the local administrative structure. Austrian provinces in Istra 1849-1918 (J. ¿ontar, 1988) Administrative Organisation from the Revolution of 1848 to the Second World War On the basis of the constitution imposed on 4 March 1849, the emperor appointed governors of the individual possessions of the Crown. As organs of the executive power, the governors had to control the application of State and provincial laws and in addition to manage the internal affairs of the territory entrusted to them. The territory of the Littoral was defined as a unitary administrative territory with the seat of the governor in Trieste. [73] A B rief History o f Istra W ith the newly imposed constitution, and bearing in mind the constitution of 1848, the previous administrative levels were restructured into provinces with provincial legislatures and the foundations were thus laid of the autonomous provincial administration. Although in 1848 the margraviate o f Istra was formally constituted with the usual territorial coverage, it was envisaged that it would have a provincial assembly in common with Gorizia and Gradisca, centred in Gorizia. O f all the anticipated provincial arrangements, only the one for Trieste was implemented. Only in 1861 did Istra obtain her administrative autonomy, with the provincial assem bly located in Porec. Naturally she was part o f the group o f provinces constituting the Austrian Littoral, with the imperial administration in Trieste. This adm inistrative organisation was maintained till 1918-20, when the territory of V enezia Giulia, excluding a m inimal part of north-east Istra and the island of Krk/Veglia, went to Italy on the basis of the Rapallo treaty (or until 1924 when Italy also annexed the city of Rijeka). Istra was then divided into three provinces of the Kingdom of Italy: The major part o f the peninsula remained in the province of Pula, the north-east part was incorporated into the province of Fiume/Rijeka, while Muggia and San Dorligo/Dolina became part of the province of Trieste. This arrangement was maintained until after the Second World W ar and the decline of Italian power in these territories at that time. [74] The Era o f Bourgeois Revolutions C O N FIN E Ot PR O V IN C IA ------------------- Venezia Giulia - the boundaries in 1940 (L ’lstria fra le due guerre) [75] THE PERIOD OF THE RISE OF THE BOURGEOISIE AND OF NATIONALISTIC TENDENCIES Economic Leaders in the XlXth Century In the 19th century two principal economic and military centres took shape, setting the tone of Istran life - Trieste and Pula, and by their side also Rijeka. By the beginning of the 18th century the first of these was undergoing rapid development and widening its influence and economic demands on the vast Istran hinterland. The whole of northern Istra was economically dependent on Trieste. Many Istran workers found positions and long-term, temporary or day jobs in a city that was becoming one of the m ost important centres of Central Europe. The agrarian and rural hinterland produced goods and m erchandise alm ost exclusively for this city, which was undergoing great demographic and economic expansion. In exchange, Istra received industrial products from Trieste. The arms of Trieste Pula became an important military city after 1853, when it was selected as the future naval harbour of the Monarchy, and after 1856, when the Arsenal was built, but especially after 1864, when the admiralty was transferred from Trieste to Pula. Its jurisdiction extended from Salvore to Spiz and from 1869 to the Istro-Hungarian [77] A B rief History o f Istra border. The railway, built in 1876, connected Pula and the Istran peninsula to the European railway network. Under Austro-Hungary the city had more than 50,000 inhabitants. From 1868 onwards Rijeka became the main economic centre and port of the oriental, Hungarian part o f the Monarchy. This had a profound influence on the development o f the eastern part, both Slovenian and Croatian, of the Istran peninsula. International Relations in the First Half of the XlXth Century Notwithstanding the economic boom, cultural life had not yet blossomed in the first half of the 19th century. Despite the absolutism of Mettemich, who tried to suppress any nationalistic tendencies, various political trends were taking shape in Trieste and found followers in Istra too. A most outstanding figure in the political life of Trieste at that time was the German Bruck, who had settled in Trieste by chance on his return from a journey to Greece, where he had participated in the fight for Greek national freedom. In Trieste he founded the Lloyd company and was a strong supporter o f the idea that Trieste should be annexed to Germany. His movement, made up chiefly of members of the clubs near the stock exchange, was cosmopolitan, Austrophile and Germanophile. The other movement of relevance was the Italian one formed around Domenico Rossetti (1774-1842) and his pupil o f clearly liberal beliefs, that great scholar of Istran history, Pietro Kandler (1804-1872). They fought attempts at Germanisation and supported the Italian identity of Trieste and its independence. However, they also realised that Trieste would have stagnated from an economic point of view if deprived of its vast hinterland and therefore they were opposed to annexation by Italy. The idea of a united Italy made its appearance only in 1797 as one of the programmes on the political agenda, but in the first half of the 19th century it did not find support in Istra and in Trieste. Italophile intellectuals did indeed fight to maintain the Italian identity of Trieste, but always in the context of autonomy within Austrian borders. Even the staunchest adversaries o f the absolutism of M ettem ich, the intellectuals clustered around the periodical La Favilla (The Spark), 1836-1846, among whom were numbered Francesco D all’Ongaro, Pacifico Valussi and, by no means last, the Dalmatian Niccolo Tommaseo, were in 1848, that year of decisions, united against the annexation of Trieste and Istra by Italy. Moreover, in spite of the fact that they fought for the Italian identity o f Trieste inside Austria, they maintained a respectful attitude towards the Slavs, particularly the Slovenians. They imagined a union of free people against extreme ideas and they were aware that the transfer of the Austrian Littoral to Italy would represent an act of violence towards the Slavs. [78] The Rise o f the Bourgeoisie and o f Nationalistic Tendencies They thought of Trieste as an Italian city, but at the same time independent, a kind of second Switzerland. They sponsored an alliance between the Italians and the Slavs. In Turin they founded a society for Italo-Slav union against Austria; in Trieste Tommaseo began to publish the review La Fratellanza dei Popoli (The Brotherhood of Peoples). As early 1831 Giuseppe Mazzini was demanding Trieste for Italy and in 1860 not only Trieste but also Istra, the Karst and Postumia. It is probably not by chance that a year before the revolution of 1848 in his book I Doveri dell’Uomo (The Duties of Man) Mazzini fixed the eastern border of Italy on the river Isonzo. In addition, the father o f united Italy, Cavour, defended the rights of Slavs on the east coast of the Adriatic. In 1861 he wrote to the Royal commissioner of Ancona that he was familiar with the aspirations o f the Italian population of Trieste, Istra and Dalmatia, but at the same time he stated that the entire population of the hinterland was Slav. Then he concluded that it was not intelligent to turn Croatians, Serbs, Hungarians and Germans into enemies, because the English would also become enemies if they thought Italy started to hanker after the whole of the Adriatic sea. Italy was pursuing a cautious policy in Europe, and therefore on advice from the Western powers she chose to attempt colonial conquest instead. Only in 1896, when a defeat in A byssinia forced Italy to revise her colonial ambitions, did Italian aspirations turn to the Balkans. The Rise of Nationalism in Trieste and Istra In Trieste before revolutionary 1848 there was no bad feeling against the Slavs. In Istra on the other hand the situation was somewhat different. Venetian traditions were still present and the people of the towns were not so ethnically mixed, nor did they depend on trade with the north as did Trieste. Slovenians and Croatians represented the lower class and they were at first devoid o f any feeling of nationalism. This consciousness o f nationalism is o f more recent date, while at that time the sense of belonging to a region was all that mattered - they were all Istrans. Pacifico Valussi, who was then still on the side of the Slavs but who would later radically change his position, was one of many who thought that the region would quickly become Italian if it managed to free itself from Austrian tutelage. The revolution of 1848 abolished feudalism and the citizens had an opportunity to express their political aspirations in the elections o f the Austrian parliament. The representatives of the Italian bourgeoisie in Istra had already worked out in detail their national programs, while the Slovenians and Croatians lacked such aspirations. The results of the elections for the parliament in Vienna in June 1848 confirmed the [79] A B rief History o f Istra relative standings amongst the political forces: four Italian deputies were elected (Antonio M adonizza, M ichele Facchinetti, Carlo De Franceschi and Francesco Vidulich) and a Croatian (Josip Vlah) was elected in eastern Istra. This political success encouraged the Italian deputies to the parliament in Vienna to draw up a request that Italian should become the official language in Istra, an exception to be made for the district of Castelnuovo sul Karst. The Austrian government rejected the request on the ground that the majority of the population in Istra was made up o f Slavs (according to the census o f 1846Croatians 134,455, Italians 60,040 and Slovenians 31,995). Even so the failed request provoked irate protests in the communes of Kastav and Laurana, from which there emanated a request that the Croatian language should be put on an equal footing with Italian and that eastern Istra should be united with Rijeka, hence with Croatia. In the Italian press an avalanche o f accusations ensued against the Slavs, as ‘foreigners’ Rovinj in the XIHth century [BO] The Rise o f the Bourgeoisie and o f Nationalistic Tendencies who should become Italianised. In 1850 M ichele Facchinetti in his newspaper II Popolano maintained that Istra would become a region in which peace would be the rule if and when a single culture gained the upper hand in it - the Italian culture. Inevitably the seed of discord had been sown, and as a result the Slav periodicals issued in Trieste (Slavjanski rodoljub from 1849 and Jadranski Slavjan from 1850, with articles in Slovenian and Croatian) began to support their nationalistic demands. These quarrels were all to the advantage of Austrian national policy, which on the one hand supported Germanisation and on the other tried to instil fear of both irredentism and panslavism and by making concessions now to one then to the other, perfectly in line with the maxim ‘divide and rule’, succeeded in controlling the situation in Istra without too much difficulty right up to the end of Austrian domination. The Development of Irredentism The development of irredentism and panslavism in Istra should be considered in the perspective of the European movements of the time, when national aspirations were still ever growing impetuously under the influence of the French revolution and within the framework of the consolidation of the capitalist system in the political life of the time. There is no doubt that the irredentist ideas of the Italian popolari became stronger after the unification o f Italy (1861). The main representatives of these ideas in historical writings are Pacifico Valussi (although in his book Trieste and Istra: their Rights in the Italian Question, published in 1861, he radically changed his views), and the Istrans Carlo Combi, Tommaso Luciani and Sigismondo Bonfiglio. Opinion about the Slavs had entirely changed: they were seen as peasant folk unable to build a nation of their own and therefore condemned to be assimilated within an Italian identity. And they already envisaged the frontiers of Italy extending to the Oriental Alps and to Arsa, some even to Rijeka. The first public demonstration of Triestine irredentism took place in 1865, when the communal council rejected a motion condemning the protest which a secret ‘Trieste-Istra committee’ had addressed against a declaration by the Italian prime minister Lamarmora in which he solemnly renounced all claims on Trieste. The communal council was dissolved and the elections were won by the government party, whilst in Trieste 13,000 people signed a declaration of loyalty. Subsequently the liberals also repeatedly condemned irredentism, but with the passing of time irredentist aspirations prevailed in this party too. From 1882 onwards the party was continuously in power in Trieste since on many occasions it managed [81] A B rief History o f Istra Austrian administrative districts between 1814 and 1822 (M. Wuttea 1944) [82] The Rise o f the Bourgeoisie and o f Nationalistic Tendencies to skilfully mask its nationalistic passions, thus gaining the sympathy of Triestine electors belonging to other ethnic groups, especially Greeks and Germans. In the monograph Oko Trsta ( ‘Around Trieste’) of 1945, the work of several authors, one can see that irredentism was prevalent above all amongst intellectuals, less so amongst white collar workers in government offices or in insurance companies, while it was quite rare amongst blue collar workers, who were more enclined to socialism. The irredentists represented no more than two per cent of the Trieste population— 5,000 out of about 250,000 inhabitants. Amongst them there would have been no more than five hundred militants and fifty who would have favoured daily acts of irredentism. The centre of irredentist education was without doubt the commercial high school Rivoltela. Their main opponents were the social democrats, from a class point of view, and the Slovenian national party, from a nationalistic point of view. In Istra the large rural properties and the cities were still in Italian hands, and therefore the liberal-national movement was exceptionally strong and already by 1861 Istrans were no longer willing to send their deputies to their parliament in Vienna. From 1884 Italian political activity in Istra was led by the Societá política Istrana (Istran Political Society). Several reviews, periodicals and books were published and clubs were formed especially to denationalise young Slovenians and Croatians: first the club Pro Patria and later the Lega Nazionale. Besides the national-liberal party, the Istran political scene included the clerical party, initially Austrophile, with many supporters in the peasant population of Istra, and the socialist party. However, generally speaking, power was in the hands of the liberal party. In Trieste the socialist party was also strong. Among its supporters a special mention must be made of Angelo Vivante, the political editor of the newspaper II Piccolo and director o f the news-sheet Lavoratore. In 1912 he wrote a documentary work V Irredentismo Adriático, in which he condemned the proposition that the high level o f Italian culture and civilisation gave Italians the right to assimilate people from other ethnic groups. The Slav Popular Movement In the first stages of parliamentary life only the Croatians of eastern Istra expressed their political orientation in a nationalistic sense. From their centres at Kastav and at Vrbnik on the island of Krk/Veglia they began to circulate, targeting the Slovenians and Croatians of Istra, a request for the protection of national rights in accordance with the provisions o f fundamental law (1867). They founded a series of reading [83] A B rief History o f Istra rooms (the first at Kastav in 1866, then at Pula in 1869 and in other localities). In Trieste they started the publication of the political organ Nasa Sloga (1870-1915). In addition, E dinost, the political association o f Triestine Slovenians, widened its activities am ongst the Croatians and Slovenians of Istra until 1902 when the Political Association o f Croatians and Slovenians was founded in Istra, centred in Pazin. After the first Croatian general meeting at Kastav (1871) they continued to organise tabor in other parts o f Istra too, for example at Kubed in Slovenian Istra. The foundation of the Savings Bank at Koper (1884) gave birth to a co-operative movement between Croatians and Slovenians in Istra. A large number of cooperatives of various kinds joined the league of cooperatives located in Pula (1903). When the Italian bourgeoisie and their banks attempted to invest funds in rural land of growing Svetvinčenat [84] The Rise o f the Bourgeoisie and o f Nationalistic Tendencies Novigrad: remains of the fortifications value, Slovenian credit co-operatives came to the rescue of the peasants in their struggle for possession o f land. Credit institutions from Trieste also aided the Slovenians (cf. M Pahor: Slovensko denarništvo v Trstu ... 1989). This resulted in a raising of the Slovenian national consciousness, particularly in the rural areas of Koper and Piran (cf. J Kramar: Narodna prebuja istrskih Slovencev, 1991. A similar process was taking place amongst the Croatians too, in the rest of Istra. Political and economic organisation was preceded by a regeneration in the field of education and schooling, with the foundation of the association Bratovščina hrvatskih ljudi u Istri (Brotherhood o f Croatian people in Istra) at Kastav in 1874, and of the [85] A B rief History o f Istra association D ruzba sv. Cirila i Metoda (Society of Sts Cirillus and Methodius), a Slovenian one in 1885 and then its Croatian ‘foster sister’ at Volosko in 1893. Thus began the organised schooling of the younger generation of Croatians and the opening of Croatian and Slovenian elementary schools in locations where previously there had been none. The Political Establishment of the Slovenians and Croatians in Istra The political strengthening o f the Slovenians and Croatians began within the communes. A t the beginning of the constitutional period (1861) the provincial law on communes made possible the creation of 50 political communes out of 360 communes in the land registry. At the start all the communes were in Italian hands, almost entirely because the Slovenians and Croatians did not have at their disposal sufficient political and economic resources; consequently they also did not have sufficient numbers of men with the skills and education to occupy administrative posts. Kastav was the only commune with a Croatian administration. However, in time, Slovenians and Croatians filled administrative positions in the communes of northern Istra inhabited exclusively by Slovenians (Materija, Podgrad, Jelsane, San Dorligo, Dekani, Klanec, Marezige and Pomjan), in some communes of the island of Krk/Veglia, similarly in the commune of Veli Losinj/Lussin Grande, in Liburnia (Volosko-Opatija/Volosca-Abbazia, Veprinac, Lovran/Laurana and Moscenice/Moschiena) and in the communes of central Istra, in Pazin (1886) and in Buzet (1887). Twenty-eight Italians, one Croatian and a Slovenian (who declined his mandate) were elected in 1861 to the Assembly (Dieta) for the province of Istra. The result was affected by a system of voting which penalised Slovenians and Croatians (censo) and by their still weak national consciousness. The Assembly was made up of divisions (curie) representing large rural properties, the chambers of commerce and trades, the cities and the rural areas. In addition members of the Assembly included the bishop of Trieste-Koper Bartol Legat, a Slovenian, the bishop of Pula-Porec Juraj Dobrila, a Croatian, and the bishop o f Krk/Veglia Ivan Josip V itezic, a Croatian, in their capacity of virilisti. From the 1870s onwards the above numerical relationships continued to change in favour of Croatians and Slovenians. Leaders in the Croatian popular movement were bishop Juraj Dobrila, a deputy in the imperial Council and founder of the first Croatian newspapers (Istran, Nasa Sloga), the jurist Dinko Vitezic and the priest Mate Bastian, a man of letters and editor of the newspaper Naca Sloga. They were supporters of the ideas of the bishop J. J. Strossmayer for a nation for southern Slavs, and thus they advocated the unification of Istra with the motherland. [86] The Rise o f the Bourgeoisie and o f Nationalistic Tendencies M eanwhile relations between Italians on the one side and Croatians and Slovenians on the other continued to deteriorate further, partly because of new demands made by the Istran politicians Vjekoslav Spinčič, Matko Laginja and Matko Mandič who, propounding the radical pro-Croatian line of Ante Starčevic, advocated the unification o f Istra with Croatia. Relations within the provincial assembly worsened, especially after Matko Laginja’s attempt in the assembly of Poreč to deliver his maiden speech entirely in Croatian (1883). His action was based on the fact that in the same year the Imperial Council had recognised the parity of Croatian, Slovenian and Italian in Istran courts o f law. In fact, the fundamental assumptions of HRVATI iiimiiiinmi SLO V EN CI T A L IJ A N I Croatians, Slovenians and Italians in XlXth century Istra (F. Zwitter, Nacionalni...) [87] A B rief History o f Istra all Slovenian and Croatian political programmes were political equality, the abolition of the electoral censo and the parity of languages in public offices and in schools. Therefore another government decision of fundamental importance was the opening in 1889 o f the first Croatian high school in Istra, the classical lyceum at Pazin. The elections for the parliament of Vienna in 1907, this time by universal suffrage, demonstrated that Slovenians and Croatians represented not only the majority of the population but also the majority in the electorate. Consequently the Istran provincial assembly was reformed in 1908, and after this 18 deputies of the Slovenian-Croatian popular party were elected, together with 24 Italian national is e ra is and 2 socialists. It did not take much to show that the new assembly was inoperative, with the two opposing sides unable to agree on the parity o f the languages, on the new borders of the communes based on national principles, etc. Because of these deadlocks the provincial assembly was dissolved in 1910 and never met again. The Formation of the Ethnic Slovenian-Croatian Borders Although during the Austrian period Slovenians and Croatians put up a united front on the political scene, nevertheless both groups had formed their own separate national identity as a consequence of historical events and linguistic differences. The Venetian policy of colonisation already mentioned (and in lesser measure the A ustrian one) had contributed to this process o f differentiation, together with the organisation of the line of defence against the Turks in northern Istra, which followed the land border of the Commune of Koper (cf D. Darovec: ‘Obrambna...’). 18461857 1880 1890 1900 1910 Croati % Sloveni % Italiani % Totale 134.445 123.091 121.732 140.713 143.057 168.184 59 56 43 45 43 '43 31.995 28.177 43.004 44.418 47.717 55.134 14 12 15 14 14 14 60.000 72.303 114.281 118.027 136.191 147.417 26 31 40 38 40 38 228.035 234.872 284.154 310.003 335.965 386.463 Principal languages of Istra according to the Austrian censuses 1846-1910 [88] The Rise o f the Bourgeoisie and o f Nationalistic Tendencies The ethnic Slovenian-Croatian frontier divided Istra into two parts, the minor one Slovenian in the north (districts of Koper and Podgrad) and the major one Croatian in the south (with colonist inhabitants of diverse Slav origins in some localities). Only in three places was the Italian presence in rural areas of significance: in northern Istra in a strip a few kilometres wide from M uggia to Piran and Portorož; in eastern Istra in the area between the Dragonja to the north and the M ima to the south (on the coast from Savudrija to Novigrad, in the hinterland from Zavrsje/Piemonte to Oprtale); and lastly in southern Istra in the coastal strip between Pula and Rovinj. From the ethnic point of view, Slovenian scholars have always considered the cadastral communes of Savudrija and Kastel/Castelvenere, which were part o f the commune of Piran (by the ancient partitioning of the territory of Piran), to be part of the Italian bloc: in 1910 at Savudrija the Italian speakers reached 78.77% and at Kastel 65.22% of inhabitants. The northern boundary of the cadastral commune of Kastel did not follow the main course of the Dragonja, but rather the old channel of St Odoric, (libador S. Odorico) to the south of the salt pans of Sečovlje/Sicciole, into which in 1946 the main course of the Dragonja was deviated. This deviation of the river after the Second World War did not change anything as far as the border was concerned. The ethnic Slovenian-Croatian border (probably based on the linguistic census organised in the Austrian provinces by K. Czoemig in 1846) was drawn by P. Kozler (1853) on his map o f the Slovenian provinces (Zem ljovid slovenske dežele in pokrajin), which represented one of the first Slovenian interpretations of this border. Kozler also described the border in his manual of Slovenian geography (K ratki slovenski zemljopis) in 1854. The description of that part o f the ethnic border which goes from the sea to Kranj states: ‘Next to Piran starts the border between spoken Slovenian and Croatian, and it runs along the valley o f the Dragonja or Rukava towards the mountains and the villages o f Topolovec and Sočerga, then passes between Rachitovec and Zazid, Jelovice and Podgoije, Golac and Obrov, Pulane and Podgrad, through Pasjak and Jelšane, until it reaches the frontier of the Kranj’. Inclusion in different administrative and church units, the linguistic relevance of the network of schools and other factors, contributed to the fact that at the end of the 19th century and the beginning o f the 20th century the ethnic border became consolidated. This is demonstrated by the modem censuses from 1880 onwards. In the localities of Starad, Račiče, Veliko Brdo, Brdce, Pasjak to the south of Ilirska Bistrica the Croatian language predominated in 1880 over the Slovenian language, but in all the successive censuses the opposite applies. Similarly, the Slovenian language takes the lead after 1900 in Rupe, Šapjane and Golec, whereas in the years 1880 and 1890 [89] A B rief History o f Istra Croatian predominated. Another bloc of this kind is made up by a few cadastral communes north of Oprtalj and Buzet: Topolovec (in 1880 Croatian; between 1890 and 1910 Slovenian, with an Italian presence; in 1945 half Croatian and half Slovenian), Gradina (in 1880 and 1890 Croatian, then Slovenian-Italian and in 1945 Slovenian with a Croatian minority) and Rachitovec (in 1880 Slovenian, in 1890 Croatian, between 1900 and 1945 Slovenian). In some localities the data vary from decade to decade (Lipa, Lisac), or at least on some occasions (Žejane, Černiča), while on other occasions at the 1945 census the declaration of belonging to the Croatian speaking group predominates (for example in Savudria and in Kaštel). These differences are partly due to the way in which the questions were asked and to the criteria used in the census of the population of the Habsburg monarchy. With the exception of the very first census which took ‘language’ into consideration (Czoemig 1846), when a distinction was still being made between the Serbian and Croatian population, in all the censuses from 1880 to 1910 the term employed for the distinction was ‘language normally used’ (Umgangssprache) and the single name of Croatian was used for the language, without distinguishing between Croatians, Montenegrins and others. Slovenian was the only Slav language distinguished from Croatian. In relation to this it should be said that a series of disputes arose in Istra in regard to political manipulations on the part of the Italians. In the Austrian context the ‘language normally used’ was identified as the language used in public (therefore distinct from the language of the family or mother tongue). This left the way open to abuses, in order to hide the true ethnic proportions of the heterogeneous population, by people who were politically dominant and ‘older’ from the point of view of their cultural assertiveness in daily life. In Istra it was clearly the Italians who were in this position. Research indicates that, as shown by B. Grafenauer (cf. ‘Miti o ‘Istri’ ...), the commissions in charge o f the collection of data tried in various ways to increase the numbers declaring that they were Italian speakers - which provoked protests and challenges directed to the commissioners, as for example in 1910 at Škofije, Pobegh and Bertoki near Koper. In any case, it is now considered that the real situation was reflected more closely by the census of 1910, which became the chief basis for the determination of the ethnic situation in Istra by the English, French, American and Russian military representatives who were engaged in inspecting the territory in order to determine new borders after the Second World War. They rejected data from the Italian census of 1921 and from the Yugoslav one of 1945, organised under the guidance of Roglic, because they were defective. [90] The Rise o f the Bourgeoisie and o f Nationalistic Tendencies The First World War i | Once the First World W ar broke out (1914), nationalistic quarrels in Istra came to a stop. Italy’s breaking off of the pact of alliance with Germany and Austro-Hungary and her decision to side with the powers of the Entente (1915) were clear signals of her territorial claims on the eastern Adriatic - even though nothing was yet known of the Treaty of London, signed secretly in 1915, by which the allies, among other things, had also offered Italy, if she entered the war, the Austrian territories of the Adriatic, consisting o f the whole of Istra and most of Dalmatia. Because o f the war many inhabitants o f southern Istra, declared a military zone, were evacuated to Lower Austria and to Moravia. Only at the end of the war, after a long absence, did they return to their homes. In lieu of the Assembly (Dieta) and the provincial council (Giunta), a Commissariat was established. Towards the end of the war also too things were turned upside down in Istra. On 28 October 1918 in Pula a popular Council was constituted on the model of the popular Council in Zagreb— which had become the supreme organ in the State of the Serbians, Croatians and Slovenians which had been founded in the territories of the collapsing AustroHungarian empire. It was composed o f representatives of Istran Croatians, but it also included representatives of the Italian liberals and socialists. On 30 October they took over the command of the navy, where they had many supporters amongst the Slav sailors and the Arsenal workers. The powers of the Popular Council of Pula ceased with the entry into the city of the Italian army on 5 November 1918. [91] A B rief History o f Istra Frontières proposées par la Yougoslavie - *— —* l 'U R S S — - la Grande-Bretagne *le s E t a t s - U n is i la France— t i l t dauinà C a ltm iéc d> ‘ Territoire L ibre de T rie ste " (ÎiU T -IS S V ) Partie d u T L Z revenant i l'Italie après l'accord final du Soct.1354 J.-B. Duroselle, Le conflit de Trieste 1943-1954, Brussels 1966 [92] THE PERIOD OF TOTALITARIAN RÉGIMES Istra under Italy j 1 With the treaty o f Rapallo, concluded between the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croatians and Slovenians (bom o f the voluntary fusion o f the State of the Slovenians, Croatians and Serbs, the Kingdom o f Montenegro and the Kingdom of Serbia) and the Kingdom of Italy (12 November 1920), Italy obtained almost the whole of Istra with Trieste, the exception being the island of Veglia and part of the commune of Kastav, which went to the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croatians and Slovenians. With the treaty of Rome (27 January 1924) Italy obtained Rijeka as well, which was earlier planned to become an independent State. Even during the brief preliminary period of occupation (1918-1920) Italy had begun to im plement a policy of assimilation o f Croatians and Slovenians. This resulted in the closure of the classical lyceum in Pazin, of the high school in Volosca (1918), the closure of the Slovenian and Croatian primary schools and the exile of some distinguished Slovenians and Croatians to Sardinia and to other places in Italy. To this must be added fascist terrorism not hampered by the authorities, like the torching of the Narodni dom (the National House) in Pula and Trieste (the Balkan) carried out at night (13 July 1920). The situation deteriorated further after the annexation o f Venezia Giulia, in particular after fascism came to power (1922). The official policy of getting rid of other nationalities was not under any outside restraint at all, since Italy had not had to give any undertaking to respect the rights of minorities in either the peace treaties or the treaty of Rapallo. In Istra the use of Slovenian and Croatian in the administration and in the courts had already been restricted during the occupation (1918-1920). In M arch 1923 the prefect of V enezia Giulia prohibited the use of Slovenian and Croatian in the administration, whilst their use in courts of law was forbidden by royal decree on 15 October 1925. The death-blow to the Slovenian and Croatian school system in Istra was delivered on 1 October 1923 with the scholastic reform of the minister Gentile. The activities o f Slovenian and Croatian societies and associations (Sokol, reading rooms, etc) had already been forbidden during the occupation, but specifically so later with the Law on Associations (1925), the Law on Public Demonstrations (1926) and the Law on Public Order (1926). All Slovenian and Croatian societies and sporting and cultural associations had to cease every activity following the decision of the provincial fascist secretaries dated 12 June 1927. On a specific order from the prefect of Trieste on 19 November 1928 the political society Edinost was also dissolved. Slovenian and Croatian co-operatives in Istra, which at first were absorbed by the Savings Banks of Pula or of Trieste, were gradually liquidated. [93] A B rief History o f Istra After Tyrol, in 1927 it was the turn of Venezia Giulia to have imposed on it changes in family names (place names had already been Italianised in 1923). Surnames were ‘restored’ to their original spelling in cases where they had been translated to another language or where they had been deformed in the writing or in the endings. In this way nearly all Slovenian and Croatian names were Italianised. As early as 1921 this policy provoked resistance on the part o f the Slovenians and Croatians, at first of a social character and of internationalist inspiration (southern Istra - Prostimo/Roveria, the miners o f Labin), but at Marezige with nationalistic content as well. Resistance to authority took hold particularly after the suppression of the societies and associations in 1927, when in the Trieste area young Slovenian Triestini founded the secret organisation ‘Fight’ (Tajna organizacija Borba). In the Gorizia area meanwhile a similar organisation was bom, which contained the first roots o f another, much better known, which went by the acronym TIGR (Trieste, Istra, Gorizia and Reka). The first victim o f this organised resistance of the Slav population in Venezia Giulia was the Istran Vladimir Gortan. A member of the Borba organisation, he was condemned to death for taking part in an attempt to prevent a group of electors from going to vote in the fascist elections in Pazin. In the course of this attempt, a comrade of Gortan had accidentally killed someone. Hum [94] The Period o f Totalitarian Régimes Also members of the Borba organisation (and not as erroneously thought of TIGR) were the four heroes of Basovizza, condemned to capital punishment in 1930 for dynamite attacks against various institutions which had been implementing denationalisation. The penalty, which was intended to be a warning to others, was decided on the basis o f the bomb placed in the editorial office of the newspaper II Popolo di Trieste, which killed the editor of this Fascist daily. During the 1930s the TIGR organisation operated in unison with its directorate located in Yugoslavia, where many Slovenians and Croatians had taken refuge immediately after the Italian occupation, whilst a second wave of refugees from Venezia Giulia poured over there at the end o f the Twenties and at the start of the Thirties. In Yugoslavia Istrans formed several associations and societies, amongst which doubtlessly the main one was the society Tstra,’ which also published a periodical by the same name. Slovenians and Croatians of Venezia Giulia met in societies, organised in their turn into the League o f Yugoslav Societies fo r Migrants (from 1932 League o f the Emigrants from Venezia Giulia) with its headquarters in Belgrade. The League was headed by Ivan Maria Cok. In their organ the review Istra published in Zagreb, they usually supported the official line from Belgrade. Thiis soon gave rise to opposition, organised around the review Istarski glas (1939-1940). The Neglected Province Italy did not encourage the economic development o f Istra. Many colonists from Italian countries were more concerned with establishing the Italian character of Istra than with helping its economic development There were admittedly some major works of infrastructure which can be admired even today, such as the improvement of the flow of the rivers Rasa and Mima, the salt works in Koper, waterworks in other parts o f Istra and the asphaltation of all the important roads. But to a great extent these works were carried out chiefly because of imperialistic considerations, that is expansion towards the Balkans. O f the same character was the construction of a system of defence along the eastern border of the country. The forecasts o f Kandler and other proponents of autonomy of the preceding century, in regard to the role of Trieste within Italy, became reality, with the volume of traffic in the port of Trieste registering a big fall, due to the competition from the numerous Italian ports. The only Istran narrow-gauge railway line, o f which the locals were proud, was closed down. Some say that, with the conquest of Abyssinia in 1936, the railway was transferred to that African country, others that it ended up as scrap metal somewhere in Sicily. [95] A B rief History o f Istra In search of better living conditions, many Slovenians and Croatians, anti fascists or not, emigrated overseas or to Yugoslavia, to other regions in Italy, or else other European countries. Most of the Italian fighters in the international brigades of Republican Spain were Giuliani. Likewise most of those sentenced for political crimes by the special tribunal for the defence of the State were from Venezia Giulia. Perhaps it is unnecessary to emphasise what a serious break in relationships amongst the various peoples of Istra was produced by fascism with its totalitarian mono-national politics. Thus we can perhaps more easily understand, but never justify, the actions of the regime (also totalitarian) that succeeded fascism, which kept the citizens oppressed with help from the equally ‘sacred’ communist ideal. Istra in the Second World War Istra went into the second world war with the rest of Italy. In September 1940 between Trbiž/Tarvisio and Rijeka the Italian command, as General M. Roatta states in his writings, called up two armies with a reserve, which together included 37 divisions and 38 companies o f heavy artillery. This call to arms, in Roatta’s judgement, represented the most impressive and solid work of preparation achieved by the Italian army in the course o f the war. The top brass were fully aware of how serious the problem of ‘quasi-aliens’ was; it did not take long for these recruits to show their disloyalty; already before, and especially after the armistice they enrolled en masse in the overseas brigades. Together with the Yugoslav partisan troops, these brigades then fought Nazi fascism. The situation was turbulent in the peninsula as well. Although in the opinion of the Communist International Istra should have been within the sphere of influence of the Italian Communist Party (CP), the Slovenian CP (chiefly on the basis of an accord of 1934 between the Italian CP and that of Austria), and the Croatian CP took the initiative in the organisation of anti-fascist resistance in Istra, which for two and a half years had been far from the principal hot spots of the anti-fascist struggle in Croatia and in Slovenia. The first cells o f this movement, organised by militant communists who came from Slovenia (Oskar Kovačič) and from Croatia, fell under the fire of fascist police. Particularly hard were the setbacks suffered in the spring of 1943 at Labina, Pazin and Buzet. In June of 1942 a group of fighters had detached themselves from the Slovenian partisan formation which operated in the zone between Brkini and Mašun; they relocated themselves to Croatian Istra on Učka, but already towards the end of the year the group had been neutralised by detachments of the Italian army. [96] The Period o f Totalitarian Régimes In Slovenian Istra from December 1942 there was a permanent organiser of the Liberation Front (LF), Vidko Hlaj. Between April and May 1943 he formed the Provincial Committee of the Slovenian Communist Party and the Provincial Council of the LF for Slovenian Istra. Similarly in March of the same year at Karojba the first permanent organ of Croatian Istra was established, the directorate of the Croatian Communist Party for Istra. The Italian Communist Party encouraged anti-fascist resistance by the Italian population in the coastal towns. Resistance to the occupation was given great impulse by the fall of fascism, especially after the armistice (8 September 1943), when a general insurrection of the population took place. The whole o f Istra was liberated, the administration taking shelter in Pula and in Trieste where the German army arrived soon after. The population o f all three nationalities responded massively to the recruitm ent of partisan units. It is interesting that the chief of the so-called Independent Croatian State (Nezavisna Drzava Hrvatska) announced the sovereignty of his puppet State over Rijeka, Zara, and Croatian Istra, whilst M ussolini’s Republic of Sal6 asked the Germans to cede Istra to it. Instead, with a proclamation by the high commissar, the Gauleiter o f Carinthia Rainer, on 1 October 1943 the ‘Adriatisches Kiistenland’ operational zone was formed with headquarters in Trieste, comprising the provinces of Friuli and Gorizia, Trieste, Istra, Rijeka and Lubljana. The legal status of this zone was not well defined in the proclamation, but from the government regulations issued subsequently the annexiationist intentions are quite clear. In two measures taken at the end of 1943 the Germans far exceeded the limits set by international law on the jurisdiction of occupying forces. The first introduced compulsory military service within the territories of the Adriatic Littoral, whilst the second instituted a territorial militia under the command o f SS high officers and of the police. From August 1944 conditions in the Istran partisan war were getting worse. Reinforcements for the occupying forces arrived in the region and the construction of coastal fortifications and other defensive lines intensified in anticipation of a landing by A llied troops. Violent acts by the occupying forces became more and more frequent, often with participation by units o f the fascist militia. It is estimated that 30,000 Istrans took part in the resistance, while many had joined the overseas brigades and others were in work corps of the Anglo-American army. Demarcation Problems of the Border with Croatia Already during the war arguments had started between Croatians and Slovenians in [97] A B rief History o f Istra Administrative divisions in Istra, 1910 and 1945 regard to the border in Istra. The Provincial Committee o f Popular Liberation of Croatian Istra proclaimed on 13 September 1943 the unification of Croatian Istra with the motherland, i.e. with Croatia, and after a few days, on 20 September, such a decision was confirmed by the highest Croatian legislative body (ZAVNOH). In the meantime, a plenary session of the Liberation Front (FL) proclaimed the unification of the ‘Slovenian Littoral’ with Slovenia. Given the lack of clarity of the terms used to describe territories which in reality were not entirely defined territorially at this time, such proclamations and decisions were creating problems of demarcation. Aware o f this problem, the Istrans themselves (representatives of the Liberation Front in Slovenian Istra and representatives of the popular Liberation Front in Croatian Istra) had already defined the Croatian-Slovenian border in Istra during the war (in February 1944). It was fixed along the Dragon, through Topolovaz, Pregara and Cemizza until it reached the line Obrov-Rupa in north-east Istra. According to the sources located by F. Ostanek (cf. Annales 1/91, p 218), the Croatian representatives would have preferred dialectal borders to be followed in order to include into the Croatian side the localities o f the mixed-language zone as well, but they were reminded of the general Slovenian nature of the zone. [98] The Period o f Totalitarian Régimes The result of this demarcation was substantially what is still today the border line between the two States. The Slovenian-Croatian border on the Dragonja was also discussed at a higher level, namely at a meeting organised by the Partisan Scientific Institute at Semič in March 1944 (in the paper given by F. Zwitter). B. Grafenauer, referring to the Slovenian tradition in geography, history and linguistic studies concerning the Slovenian-Croatian border, states that generally speaking there was no controversy on this and that therefore there was no need later for political agreements. These became perhaps necessary only for later minor alterations, desired by the people mainly for economic reasons (such as the cadastral communes of Pregara and Černiča near Buzet, or of Pasjak, Sapjiane and Rupa to the north of Rijeka). People decided whether they would belong to one or the other republic by having recourse to a referendum (Pregara, Černiča). Nevertheless, even after 1954, agitators from either side of the border would show up regularly in areas that had been subject o f controversies, to convince the inhabitants of the justice of their views. The Diplomatic Fight for Istra after World War II. A fter the liberation (some circles in Italy prefer to refer to it as the occupation) of Istra and Trieste in April-May of 1945 the diplomatic tug of war started, at the end of which all of Istra (except the communes of Muggia and San Dorligo) became part of Yugoslavia. For a brief period to 12 June Trieste was under the Yugoslav military government. After that the territory of Venezia Giulia was divided by the so-called Morgan line or ‘blue line’ into Zone A, under the jurisdiction of the Allied military government (AMG), and into Zone B, under the Yugoslav military government (VUJA). Pula and its surrounds belonged to Zone A of Venezia Giulia. Abbazia was the headquarters of Zone B under the occupation and also under the Yugoslav military government for Venezia Giulia, Rijeka, Istra and the Slovenian Littoral. The civilian government of Zone B was entrusted to the Council of the Provincial Committee of Popular Liberation o f the Slovenian Littoral, with seat in Ajdovščina, and to the Provincial Committee of Popular Liberation of Istra in Labin. A t the meeting o f foreign ministers o f the four great powers in May 1946 the French proposal for the Free Territory of Trieste (F IT ) was accepted. In Paris on 10 February 1947 the representatives o f twenty-one countries signed the peace treaty with Italy, which took effect on 15 September 1947. On the same day the FTT was established, and it too was divided into Zone A and Zone B. The border followed the Morgan line, that is the partly modified border of 1910 of the Muggia commune. [99] A B rief History o f Istra According to the treaty, the territory of Zone B was under the jurisdiction of the Yugoslav military government (VUJA FTT), while Zone A was under the juris diction of the Allied military government. The rest of Istran territory was assigned to Yugoslavia. The Free Territory of Trieste The territory of Zone B of the F I T was under the jurisdiction of the Istran Provincial Popular Committee located in Koper. It was divided into the districts of Koper and Buje. From a territorial point o f view, Zone B o f the FTT was made up of the administrative-territorial units of the Austrian administrative constitution of 1910 in communes and cadastral communes. As established by L. M arin (in Annales 2/92), the following units formed Zone B of the F IT : the communes of Koper, Marezige, Pomjan, Izola, Piran, Buje, Novigrad, Umago and Brtonigla/Verteneglio, the cadastral commune Škofije of the commune o f Muggia, the cadastral communes o f Osp and Socerb o f the commune of San Dorligo, the cadastral communes of Dekani, Tinjan and Rožar, and parts of the cadastral communes of Sant’Antonio and Santa Domenica of the commune of Dekani, the cadastral commune of Topolovec of the commune of Oportalj, the commune of Grožnjan, excluding the cadastral communes of Sterna and of Zavrsje. The Istran Provincial Popular Council adopted in December 1948 a decision on the registry o f births, deaths, marriages, etc. The text of this document includes a list o f all the popular councils o f the district of Capodistria, the citizens’ councils of Izola, Koper and Piran and the local councils of Korte, Strunjan/Strugnano, Kampel, Semedela, S. Toma, Vanganel, Šmarje, Kostabona, Dekani, Lucija, Os po, Škofije, Mareszige, Cesari, Sečovlje, Portorož, S. Peter and Boršt. On the model of the administrative reforms carried out in Slovenia, the Istran Provincial Popular Council divided the province into districts and communes. The province of Istra was composed by the districts o f Koper and of Buie, in their turn divided into communes. The district of Koper was made up o f the following com m unes: D ekani, Izola (urban com m une), Izola Territory, K oper (urban commune), Koper Territory, Marezige, Šmarje, Piran (urban commune), Sečovlje and Portorož. The district o f Buje contained the following communes: Buje, Umago, Bitonigla, Grožnjan, Momjan and Novigrad. This process was carried too far when even cadastral communes were subdivided, a unique case of fragmentation of territorial units in the post-war period. In other [100) The Period o f Totalitarian Régimes parts of Slovenia the tendency was to keep cadastral communes intact, so as maintain order in the cadastral office and cadastral registers. According to data from the statistics bureau in the districts of Koper and of Buje, at the end o f 1953 the administrative-territorial partition of Zone B o f the FTT included the district of Koper with nine surrounding areas, (Ankaran, Izola, Koper, Piran, Portorož., Sečovlje , Semedela, Strunjan, Lucija) and the district o f Buje with six (Bašanija - earlier in the cadastral commune of Kaštel and of Salvudrija, Brtonigla, Buje. Grožnjan, Novigrad and Umago). This arrangement lasted till the F I T came to an end in 1954 with the signing of the Memorandum o f London. Then the former Zone B of the FTT became part of Yugoslavia, or to be more precise of Slovenia and Croatia, while Zone A became part of Italy. The Great Slovenian Sacrifice for Yugoslavia In Paris in 1946 international high diplomacy chose as the base for normalisation of relationships between Yugoslavia and Italy the so-called ‘ethnic equilibrium ’, in accordance with which approximately as many persons o f Yugoslav descent had to stay on in Italian territory (excluding the FTT) as there were Italians (by the 1910 census) in Yugoslav territory. If one takes into account the general Yugoslav situation, this requirement was almost met. However, if only Slovenians and Italians are counted, the results are surprising and prove above all a big Slovenian sacrifice on behalf of Y ugoslavia. A fter the partitioning of the FTT in 1954, the final relationship was 1 to 4 to the disadvantage of the Slovenians. It is true that Slovenia acquired a strip o f land with an Italian majority— the area variously referred to as the coast, Littoral, or Riviera of Koper, or Slovenian Istra, of which much earlier S. Rutar (1899) had said that there ‘one speaks Italian’. But it must not be forgotten that this represented compensation for the loss of the true Slovenian Littoral, the coastal strip between Barcola/Barkovlje, Villa Opicina/Opčine and S. Giovanni/Štivan where Slovenians had settled in remote times and where they made up 90% of the population. This area, however, was part of Zone A. The consequence o f the political division was an enormous change in ethnic relationships after 1947, when the number o f Italians in Slovenia continued to drop, principally because of the exodus, till it dwindled to 3,000 in 1981 (barely 10% of Italians in the 1910 census). For the coastal strip o f Slovenian Istra it represents a significant alteration in the ethnic composition of the population, to the detriment of the indigenous constituent. [101] A B rief History o f Istra Italian historiography often advances the phenomenon of the so-called fojbas or fo ib e (clefts in the Karst into which people were thrown after being killed or while still alive) as the main reason for the emigration of persons of Italian culture from istra after World W ar II. Some Italian historians, however, have denied that there was such a mass activity except in the few months immediately following the end of the war, while a greater number o f people could have met this sad fate in the period following the capitulation of Italy in 1943. In this latter period no mass emigrations from Istra have been noted, and therefore it is difficult to accept the thesis that this vindictive behaviour (inhuman indeed, but of a kind not uncommon in times of war and its immediate aftermath) was a direct cause o f the emigration o f the Italian population of Istra to Italy and other countries. Undoubtedly the very fact that this happened arouses extremely unpleasant feelings, and this is the reason why the phenomenon of the fojbas has often been used as a psychological factor in bilateral or multilateral propaganda activities. It is, however, necessary to view the phenomenon of migrations, of ‘esulism’ (going into exile) and ‘opting’ as an extremely complex subject, which must be viewed from many different aspects. It should be pointed out that the observation of the Istran historian o f the last century, C. de Franceschi, that the Slavs had never conquered Istra by force of arms (and that therefore the Italians were entitled to the territory), had now been invalidated. So some have advanced the opinion that the section o f the population which had declared itself as Italian, after many centuries of ruleing and of being in control of all the important functions of the country, suddenly found itself in an inferior position, and still more, inferior to barbarians as the defenders of this earlier theory had called them. Therefore they may have preferred emigration to remaining in such a situation. Also, their new masters brought with them a system which officially acknowledged all religious beliefs, but was in fact clearly directed against the Church, so many religious Catholics doubted whether they would be allowed to practise their religion without being humiliated and neglected. The Reasons for the Exodus From any point of view, the Istran situation presented one of the m ost acute European problems in the first post-war decade. Together with the German question and that of Austria, the drama o f Trieste which was played out in those years represented the legacy of a war-time alliance which had thrust together two social systems that could not be reconciled, capitalism and socialism. In spite of its formal recognition o f human rights, and of the rights of minorities in the restructured nation [102] The Period o f Totalitarian Régimes the new power always exercised an ideological pressure on the population, however much it might be concealed behind the mask of communist internationalism. It is clear, however, that at the peace conferences the new State borders were not being drawn using ideological criteria, but on the basis of national considerations. The ideological criteria were then used to convince the national minorities to line up with one or the other side. To this end socio-political organisations with highsounding names were created, The m ost im portant o f them being SIAU, the Slovenian-Italian Antifascist Union, which by the necessities of the political struggle mobilised the masses in the name of ‘democracy’. Anyone who thought differently, or was nationally ‘inconsistent’, would be subjected to the so-called ‘commissions of purification’. The first great success o f such a policy in the national field was the massive exodus from Pula, following the coming into effect of the peace treaty with Italy (15 September 1947). Great ideological pressure was exerted also at the time of the clash w ith the Kom inform w hich caused the em igration of num erous sympathisers of the CP, Italians and others, from Istra and from Zone B of the FTT. It may be true that then things had not gone so far as direct physical violence (a matter which is yet to be researched), but nonetheless the very fact that everyone was being forced to choose a side and that the names o f those suspected of being supporters o f the Kominform were made public, is an indication of how much pressure was being put on individual people. Even more massive was the exodus from Istra after 1953, when it became clear that Italy was going to lose the peninsula. A vast propaganda campaign was organised in favour o f the exodus of the population, whereas up to then various ways had been tried to maintain the presence o f the Italian population in Istra, in order to legitimise Italian territorial claims. Because of this ideological pressure, many people of Slav origin emigrated together with the Italian population. It follows that the theory according to which the main impetus of the exodus was not violent acts, but rather a feeling on the part o f the Italians, who up to then had enjoyed a dominant position, that their subordination to the S ’ciavi (Slavs) did not make due allowance for the value of the former and the inferiority of the latter, cannot be taken literally. Any assumption which may be made about the number of exiles in advance of an in-depth study o f the problem is pure speculation. It will be possible to unravel this problem only with the aid of the archives o f the Yugoslav military government (which is in Belgrade) and of the State archives in England, USA and Italy, several of which are not yet accessible. The fundamental comparison in absolute or relative terms for any form of estimate remains assuredly the census of 1910. [103] A B rief History o f Istra C onclusion As the northernmost peninsula in the Mediterranean, and therefore nearest to the Central European area by sea, Istra has always been in the centre of affairs, no matter how the world may have been defined in various historical eras and circumstances. Its people have followed and also often directly taken part in the m ajor political, economic and ideological changes which have taken place, but they have always somehow been pushed into the background and marginalised and have found themselves on the outer limits o f various civilisations, ethnic groups and national entities. They have been made the subject of the spheres of interest of ‘major’ politics and political history only when a ‘history’ has been created on their account in the name of the interests of the great powers. This is the picture which Istra shows even today, when Slavs and Romans, Croatians, Slovenians and Italians have lived in its territory for much more than a millenium, and throughout this shared history have more often been together than apart. I conclude with one wish: that the multiethnic and multicultural society which has been created, whose coming into existence has been outlined on these pages, will lead to the development of the much to be desired example o f respect, peaceful coexistence and economic development of the Istran peoples and their states on this peninsula. Life can only be enriched by cultural diversity, ju st as its quality is destroyed by enthnocentrism and intolerance. [104] BIBLIOGRAPHY [AMSI = A tti e memorie della Societá Istriana di Archeologia e Storia Patria, Parenzo/Poreč 1885-; Atti CRSR = A tti del Centro di Ricerche Storiche, RovinjRovigno 1970-; A.T. = Archeografo Triestino] D. Alberi, Istria, storia, arte, cultura, Trieste 1997. E. 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DAROVEC, Darko. A Brief History of Istra, (Archivio del Litorale Adriatico, I). Yanchep: ALA Publications: [University of Western Australia, Department of Classics and Ancient History], 1998.

DAROVEC, Darko. A Brief History of Istra, (Archivio del Litorale Adriatico, I). Yanchep: ALA Publications: [University of Western Australia, Department of Classics and Ancient History], 1998.

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